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http://en.rian.ru/rian/index.cfm?prd_id=160&msg_id=3113985&startrow=1&date=2003-03-18&do_alert=0

Russian Information Agency (Novosti)
March 18, 2003

ILLEGAL WAR 

-[T]he first to fall victim to US laser bombs and
British special purpose troops will be international
law. 
-Let's call a spade a spade. An unauthorised war
launched by the pathetic US-led anti-Iraq coalition is
contemptuous of international law. 
-That is where the International Human Rights Court in
the Hague comes in with its never-ending trial against
Slobodan Milosevic and a rich collection of other
suspected criminals against humanity. How will the
supreme legal body rate air strikes against Iraq
possibly claiming up to 500,000 Iraqi civilians, as
suggested by UN figures, or even more if the Pentagon
drops down its pride - the so-called "mother of all
bombs." Colin Warbrick, Professor of Law and expert in
international law at the University of Durham, Britain
believes that Iraq's bombings can well be regarded as
crimes against humanity. 
-In 1999 Yugoslavia tried to stop Nato's bombings by
asking the International Human Rights Court to regard
the alliance's air strikes as genocide. But the
obedient judges ruled by a 12-to-4 margin that the
matter was out of their jurisdiction. 



MOSCOW, March 18, 2003 /from RIA Novosti political
observer Vladimir Simonov/ -- So, President Bush has
slammed the window of diplomacy by giving Saddam
Hussein and his two sons 48 hours to leave the
country. "Proclaim this among the nations: prepare for
war!" (Joel, 3:9) It is already a controversial war.
Some claim it seeks to seize oil wells, others say it
paves the way for regime changes in Iran and Syria,
there are even those who call it a US-led shake-up of
the entire Greater East. In any case, the first to
fall victim to US laser bombs and British special
purpose troops will be international law. 

Above all, the UN Charter outlaws the use of force
with only two exceptions. Article 51 gives all the
member countries the right to individual or collective
self-defence. Article 42 authorises the UN Security
Council to use military force "as may be necessary to
maintain or restore international peace and security."
But in this case a clear-cut UN resolution is needed:
the peace is broken, the security is in ruins,
therefore war is unavoidable. 

Neither of the articles can be applied to the Iraqi
crisis. 

Let's start by saying that Article 51 does not
authorise a preventive strike against a country
attacked by someone exercising the right of individual
or collective self-defence. It would not do to hurt
the innocent. 

However, the UN Charter fails to live up to the
present-day nuclear reality where a preventive strike
is part of self-defence. Let's suppose, for the sake
of argument, that Article 51 does imply the right to
launch a pre-emptive strike. Even then, under the UN
Charter the United States and Britain must face an
"imminent" threat and retaliation must be
"proportional." Allegations that Iraq possesses some
yet undiscovered deadly weapons, which can at some
hypothetical future time be used to attack the
civilised world are not enough to justify the use of
military force in self-defence. 

Besides, no one in the world believes that being
constantly monitored from space the sanctions-torn
Iraq, with most of its airspace being a non-fly zone,
is capable of attacking the United States, Britain, or
else such a plum as Bulgaria who is also seeking to
exercise its right to self-defence. 

Nonsense. Especially if we recall that the United
States has repeatedly provoked war to oust Saddam
Hussein. 

The Azores summit revealed that the anti-Iraqi
trilateral alliance had turned to Article 42 of the UN
Charter in search of a new legal justification for war
on Iraq. This time attempts are made to prove that UN
Security Council Resolution 1441 provides sufficient
authority for military action. 

The message of the Azores summit is clear: " If Saddam
refuses even now to co-operate fully with the United
Nations, he brings on himself the serious consequences
foreseen in UNSCR 1441 and previous resolutions."
However, "serious consequences" is not the UNSC's
euphemistic substitution for "war." Usually, it is
read behind the words "all the necessary measures"
which appeared in the 1991 UN Security Council
resolution to authorise military intervention in the
Persian Gulf, and later in Rwanda, Bosnia, Somali and
Haiti. 

In his Monday night televised ultimatum, George Bush
invoked Resolutions 678 and 687, which read that "the
United States and our allies are authorised to use
force in ridding Iraq of weapons of mass destruction."
Bush's legal advisers have failed him. Resolution 678
/November 1990/ does authorise an attack against Iraq,
though for the purpose of restoring Kuwait's
sovereignty. Thirteen years passed making today's case
look quite different. Kuwait's sovereignty had been
restored to such an extent that it turned into a huge
US military base. It would not do to invoke Resolution
678. 

This also applies to Resolution 687. Neither of the
documents entitles the former anti-Iraq coalition to
snatch initiative from the UN Security Council,
Professor of International Law at Oxford University
Vaughan Lowe believes. These resolutions tackle
specific problems in specific situations and cannot be
regarded as a permanent mandate authorising any kind
of Middle East invasion, the scholar says. 

Washington looks ridiculous clinging to a previous
resolution neglecting the acting one. 

Let's call a spade a spade. An unauthorised war
launched by the pathetic US-led anti-Iraq coalition is
contemptuous of international law. 

That is where the International Human Rights Court in
the Hague comes in with its never-ending trial against
Slobodan Milosevic and a rich collection of other
suspected criminals against humanity. How will the
supreme legal body rate air strikes against Iraq
possibly claiming up to 500,000 Iraqi civilians, as
suggested by UN figures, or even more if the Pentagon
drops down its pride - the so-called "mother of all
bombs." Colin Warbrick, Professor of Law and expert in
international law at the University of Durham, Britain
believes that Iraq's bombings can well be regarded as
crimes against humanity. According to him, the
International Human Rights Court could bring the
United States and Britain to court for starting an
illegal war in Iraq. 

But who will dare to come up with such criminal
charges? Colin Warbrick finds it highly unlikely that
any EU country would dare to risk its political
survival by launching the case. 

This is particularly so if we recall that the
International Human Rights Court is nothing but a
puppet in Washington's hands. In 1999 Yugoslavia tried
to stop Nato's bombings by asking the International
Human Rights Court to regard the alliance's air
strikes as genocide. But the obedient judges ruled out
by a 12-to-4 margin that the matter was out of their
jurisdiction. 

However, on March 1 the world saw a new legal body to
appear: the International Criminal Tribunal with a
whole new scope of activity in store for it after UN
Secretary General Kofi Annan said that an unauthorised
war on Iraq was illegal. 

The far-sighted Washington managed to avoid signing
the Rome Agreement setting up the tribunal. But
London's signature is still there. That is why British
lawyers are concerned that a British soldier
responsible for the death of at least one Iraqi
civilian will have to face criminal charges. 

In fact, British Prime Minister Tony Blair ordered
40,000 soldiers to go to war, which they risk to end
in prison. This is a striking example of the legality
of a coming war in Iraq, isn't it? 



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