Private prison company Russell Opium Trust(ROT) owns the Yale campus and Skull and Bones alumni who told CCA-Wackenhut what was the naughtiest thing they ever did. FBI seals one-bid private-government partnership contracts with pedo porn videos made with kidnapped children.
Who owns GEO of Florida? -Bob Racism: Numbers Don't Lie By John Burl Smith According to the US Census Bureau, the US population in 2000 was 281,421,906. The racial breakdown was 194,552,774 (69.1%) white; 33,947,837 (12.1%) black; 35,305,818 (12.5%) Hispanic; 2,068,883 (0.7%) Native American, and 10,123,169 (3.8%) Asian. Subsequently, on June 30, 2002 as reported by the US Justice Department's Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), America's prison population exceeded 2 million for the first time in history. The incarceration rate on June 30, 2007 for men was 1,406 per 100,000, and 136 per 100,000 for women. White men had a rate of 773 per 100,000, black men 4,618 per 100,000 and Hispanic men 1,747 per 100,000. White women had a rate of 95 per 100,000, black women 348 per 100,000, and Hispanic women 146 per 100,000. When Ronald Reagan took office, fewer than 400,000 Americans were incarcerated. Today, 2.3 million citizens are in custody, 2.1 million men and 208,300 women. Black males represent 35.4%, white males 32.9% and Hispanic males 17.9%. Although blacks are only 12.1% of the population, their chance of going to prison is 32.2% males and 5.6% females, Hispanic males 17.2% and females 2.2%, and white males 5.9% and females 0.9%. The disparities between black and white incarceration rates in the United States (US) changed drastically during the 1980s with the "War on Drugs." The racially disproportionate affect of the war on drugs challenges the believability of democracy and such bedrock constitutional principles as justice and equal protection under the law. Its devastating impact contradicts and undermines the fairness and efficacy of the criminal justice system for blacks. The disparate impact of the war on drugs is borne out by research and statistics from the BJS which show that not only black men are targeted, but black women are eight times more likely than white women and twice as likely as Hispanic women to be in prison. Also black women and girls are primarily incarcerated for "poverty crimes" ? property theft or other economically motivated non-violent offenses. Professor Paula C. Johnson, a researcher at the Syracuse University School of Law, interviewed women in prison and found that they often shared similar experiences of traumas throughout their lives, such as physical and sexual abuse. In many instances, criminality was a coping mechanism or escape from abusive circumstances. Often, their traumas were rooted in family dysfunction surrounding alcohol and drug abuse. In other cases, it was the women's difficulty in making wiser choices choosing companions, and the perceptions or realities of limited options for productive, fulfilling, and economically viable lives. Underlying these difficulties, these women expressed keen awareness of the devaluation of African American women. BJS statistics reveal the impact of the war on drugs on Black girls beginning in the late 1980s. The likelihood of a young woman born in 2001 spending time in prison in her lifetime is six times higher than for a woman born in 1974. Approximately two out of three women (66.6 percent white, 64.8 percent black, 46.6 percent other) serving federal prison terms in 2002 were convicted of drug crimes. Regardless of similar or equal levels of illicit drug use during pregnancy, black women are 10 times more likely than white women to be reported to child welfare agencies for prenatal drug use. Drug enforcement policies are more vigorously enforced and suspects pursued in black neighborhoods than in white communities and suburbs. The number of delinquency cases involving Black girls increased by 106% between 1988 and 1997, compared with an increase of 83% for all girls; and between 1988 and 1997, Black girls were detained at a rate three times greater than the rate for Caucasian girls. Proportionally, there are more white drug offenders, according to BJS statistics; five times as many whites use drugs as blacks. Yet, blacks comprise the majority of drug offenders imprisoned. The Federal Household Survey states that, "Most current illicit drug users are white. There were an estimated 9.9 million whites (72 percent of all users), 2.0 million blacks (15 percent), and 1.4 million Hispanics (10 percent) who were current illicit drug users in 1998." Yet, blacks constitute 36.8% of those arrested for drug violations, and over 42% of those in federal prisons for drug violations. Blacks comprise almost 58% of those in state prisons for drug felonies; Hispanics account for 20.7%. The solution to this racial inequity is not to incarcerate more whites, but to reduce the use of prison for low-level drug offenders and to increase the availability of substance abuse treatment. Regarding State prison population growth from 1990 through 2000, the US Dept. of Justice reported, "Overall, the increasing number of drug offenses accounted for 27% of the total growth among black inmates, 15% of the growth among white inmates and 7% of the total growth among Hispanic inmates. Among persons convicted of drug felonies in state courts, whites were less likely than blacks to be sent to prison. Only 33% of whites convicted received prison sentences, while 51% of black were sentenced to prison. Of the 253,300 state prison inmates serving time for drug offenses at year-end 2005, 113,500 (44.8%) were black, 72,300 (28.5%) were white and 51,100 (20.2%) were Hispanic. Hood Notes Private Prisons: Neo-Slavery By John Burl Smith Typically, in privatized prison settings, states lease or contract convict labor to private companies. In some cases, such as Texas, however, the corrections function was taken over by private interests that promised to control delinquents at no cost to the state. As private systems spread, labor and businesses complained that using unpaid convict labor constituted "unfair" competition. Anecdotal evidence from across the country on prisoner abuse under private correctional control painted a grim picture, while state officials remained indifferent or were bought off by private interests, prisoners suffered malnourishment, frequent whippings, overwork and overcrowding. A series of investigations of state prisons confirmed the tales of horror and produced public outrage. As with anti-trust legislation and the progressive reforms which followed, public pressure demanded government regulation to prevent private sector abuse. By the turn of the century, concerted opposition from labor, business, and reformers forced the state to take direct responsibility for prisons, thus bringing the first era of private prisons in America to an end. But as the twentieth century stumbled to a close, the hard lessons of a hundred years ago were drowned out by the clamor of free market ideologues. Surprisingly for most, these accounts of private prisons occurred in the mid-1800s. Then Louisiana's penny-pinching state legislatures awarded contracts to private entrepreneurs to operate and manage its first state prisons. New York's Auburn and Sing Sing penitentiaries were out sourced. These institutions became models for entire sections of the nation where privatized prisons were the norm later in the century. Private prisons promised to turn a profit for the state, or at least pay for themselves. Today America is repeating the same mistake; it seems we never learn from past errors. Hidden behind perimeters of razor wire or concrete walls, tucked away in isolated rural back-washes, armed prison guards supervise hundreds of medium- and maximum-security federal and state prisoners. This is the world of America's leading growth industry - private sector, for-profit prisons. A new flesh trade, like slavery, companies like the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), Wackenhut, Pricor and U.S. Corrections Corporation run various types of short-term detention facilities with little or no monitoring by government. During the last decade, private interests entered the incarceration business in a big way building and/or running facilities from juvenile detention centers to county jails, work farms to state prison units, and INS holding camps for undocumented aliens. Facing chronic prison overcrowding and court mandates, states are looking to house inmate's anywhere they can. A classic case of "chickens coming home to roost," longer sentences, mandatory minimums, no parole, three strikes and harsher drug laws, not to mention illegal aliens, have exploding prison populations looking like honey combs to private traffickers in human bondage. For instance, 1/3 of Hawaii's 6,000 state inmates are in private prisons in Oklahoma, Mississippi, Kentucky and Arizona, while Arizona has 2,000 inmates in prisons in Oklahoma and Indiana. Arizona and Tennessee have 360 of California's overcrowded prison systems' inmates. Not to be left behind, lowly Alabama has 1,300 inmates in Louisiana prisons. This game of "musical cells" which sends prisoners thousands of miles away to be warehoused in a private prison doesn't save money, especially in a time of shrinking budgets. Arizona pays Indiana $14 million a year to house 610 prisoners, which is $3 million more than it would cost housing inmates at in-state public prisons. There is more to the private prison business than meets the eye. Like Bernard Madoff's promises of 20%, somebody has to be getting kickbacks for the game to continue because the profits just are not there. GEO Group of Boca Raton, Florida, the second-largest prison company which operates more than 50 prisons across the US, as well as in Australia and South Africa, is a classic example of the problem with private prisons. It has built or expanded eight facilities this year in Georgia, Texas and Mississippi and is planning seven more new prisons by 2010. Recently, the Associated Press reported the suicide of an Idaho Department of Correction's inmate, Scot Noble Payne, who was sent to a GEO privately-run Texas prison, which had received frequent complaints of abusive guards and terrible sanitation. The main objective of private prisons is to make money and the easiest way to do that is to "cut corners." Consequently, conditions in many private prisons are terrible, and oversight is limited. Idaho monitors its out-of-state inmates by telephone, even in the face of repeated complaints from prisoners, their families and a prison inspector. According to the Idaho Department of Correction's health care director, "It was the worst facility I'd ever seen. The warden ruled through verbal and physical intimidation, guards showed no concern for the inmates' living conditions and there is no substance-abuse treatment." Numerous complaints are no incentive for GEO to remedy the situation because in 2006, it reported profits of $30 million, four times the amount reported in 2005. GEO is not alone, as other private prison companies "pay to play" and experience similar profits.
