------ Forwarded Message > From: "dasg...@aol.com" <dasg...@aol.com> > Date: Sun, 14 Mar 2010 22:12:47 EDT > To: Robert Millegan <ramille...@aol.com> > Cc: <ema...@aol.com>, <j...@aol.com>, <jim6...@cwnet.com> > Subject: Nuns Were No Saints Either in "Holy Mother Church's" Child Sex Abuse > Scandals >
> Catholic Child Abuse -- Nuns Also Accused > Radio Netherlands, 9 March 2010 > > By Britta Wielaard <http://www.rnw.nl/english/users/britta-wielaard> > > http://www.rnw.nl/english/article/catholic > > Following recent reports about sexual abuse of children by Dutch priests, it > now appears that some nuns also took advantage of their charges. Tuesday¹s > edition of newspaper De Telegraaf contains the story of Herman Harends, who > says he was abused by nuns at a Roman Catholic boarding school he attended in > the 1950s. > > Radio Netherlands Worldwide and newspaper NRC Handelsblad published their > report > <http://www.rnw.nl/english/article/dutch-catholic-church-faces-child-sex-abuse > -scandal> on sexual abuse within the Roman Catholic church two weeks ago. > Since then, more and people have come forward, saying they, too, were > childhood victims. > > Mr Harends and his two brothers attended a boarding school in the southern > Dutch town of Tegelen. > "I have not spoken out before because it is a hard claim to substantiate,² he > explains, ³I¹m not looking for atonement or apologies, most of the nuns have > died.² > > The abuse by the sisters started when I was 11. When I was in the bath they > played with my penis and tried to give me an erection ... They would also put > my hand under their robes and into their underwear.² > > Mr Harends (now 63) does not believe the abuse was an isolated case. ³I had > dealings with two nuns who worked independently,² he tells the paper, ³I > can¹t imagine that I, one of the hundreds of students, was the only one they > used to vent their desires on.² > > ---------------- > > Nun Pleads No Contest In Sex Abuse Case > Elderly Nun Allegedly Sexually Abused Boys At Wisconsin School In The 1960s > MILWAUKEE, Nov. 12, 2007 > > http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2007/11/12/national/main3492054.shtml > > (AP) A 79-year-old Roman Catholic nun pleaded no contest Monday to two counts > of indecent behavior with a child for alleged sexual encounters with two male > students at a church convent and school where she was principal during the > 1960s. > > The nun, Norma Giannini, and her attorney left the courthouse without comment > after entering the pleas in Milwaukee County Circuit Court. > > Giannini faces a maximum 10 years on each count when sentenced Feb. 1. > > According to the criminal complaint, the two men told authorities they had > dozens of sexual encounters with Giannini, including intercourse, while > attending St. Patrick's School. > > One man said the nun told him in 1965, when he was 13, to open the buttons of > her habit, but he was shaking so badly he could not do so. He said she then > unbuttoned her clothing and had him touch her breasts, the complaint said. > > The first incident was followed by 60 to 80 others, including two involving > sexual intercourse, it said. > > The other man said he had sexual contact with the nun more than 100 times, > beginning when he was in seventh grade. At least one incident involved sexual > intercourse, the complaint said. > > Giannini went on to work in Illinois from 1970 to 1994. > > http://archives.chicagotribune.com/2008/feb/01/news/chi-nun_01feb01 > > A Roman Catholic nun who sexually abused two teenage boys in Milwaukee four > decades ago admitted to a church panel that she also had molested a Chicago > boy and at least three other minors, according to a court document obtained by > the Tribune. > > ------------------------ > > "Since most of the research on pedophilia is derived from studies of > incarcerated male sex offenders, there is an evident research bias excluding > females. Therefore, the male label 'paedophile' is never applied to female > perpetrators of child sexual abuse due to their presumed inability to ³fit² > the [gender-biased] diagnostic criteria. However, recent studies highlight > the existence of paedophilia in females as well. The few offenders ever > actually studied do in fact fulfil the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of > Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association) diagnostic criteria for > paedophilia and in many ways resemble male paedophiles, exhibiting the same > fantasies, preference for a gender and age range, "grooming" and use of > emotional blackmail, and cognitive distortions rationalizing their belief that > victims sexually 'teased' them and minimising any harmful effects of sexual > abuse on the victim(s)." > > > > http://childwise.net/downloads/Females_Who_Sexually_Abuse_Child.pdf > > The myth that women as carers and nurturers are incapable of sexually abusing > a child > must be dispelled in order to provide effective treatment, care, and support > for both the > victim and the female sexual perpetrator. Hunter (1990) suggests the myth that > male > perpetrated CSA [Child Sexual Abuse] is more damaging and harmful to the > victim than > female perpetrated CSA must be confronted, as it can affect who is identified > and treated > within the different judicial and child protection systems. > > What¹s more, the trauma of sexual abuse for the victim increases when > compounded > by prejudice and misunderstanding from the community, both professional and > otherwise. > Professional validation and acknowledgement appear to mitigate the negative > effects > of the sexual abuse (Denov, 2004a; Hunter, 1990; Sanderson; 2004). > Often we do not believe an issue is significant unless we can provide > statistical data to > support our case. The findings of this report will further contribute in > raising public and > professional awareness by keeping the dialogue open regarding this important > social topic. > The hidden nature of female perpetrated CSA has implications for policy, child > protection, > sentencing, education, recruitment, and the ability for children in a sexually > abusive > situation with a female to seek help. > Characteristics of women who sexually abuse children > As part of societal effort to transform female perpetrated CSA into an > acceptable > construct, generalisations of findings from the earlier literature (based on > studies of > convicted female offenders) tends to label all women who sexually abuse > children as > mentally ill, of low intelligence or under the influence of substances. > However, Margolin > (1986 cited in Saradjian 1996, p.3) warns against the sweeping generalisations > of these > case studies as it is often the most disturbed women or those who have > committed more > blatantly abusive acts who come to the attention of the authorities. > Studies of incarcerated female sex offenders do reveal these women manifest > higher > percentages of psychiatric impairment (Davin, 1999; Dunbar, 1999; Green & > Kaplan, > 1994; Kaplan & Green, 1995; O¹Connor, 1987), prior histories of sexual and > physical > victimisation (Davin, 1999; Dunbar, 1999; Green & Kaplan, 1994; Hislop, 1999; > Johnson, > 2004; Kaplan & Green, 1995; Syed & Williams, 1996) and substance abuse > (Dunbar, > 1999; Harper, 1992; Syed & Williams, 1996 > > Other literature however, implies women who sexually abuse children are often > not > psychotic, drunk or drugged when they engage in sexual acts with minors > (Faller, 1987; > Krug, 1989; Matthews, Mathews, & Speltz, 1991). It is suggested differences in > psychopathology, addiction and use of violence may vary across the different > categories > and age groups of offenders. For example, Davin¹s (1999) study indicates > independent > offenders tend to exhibit significantly more severity in psychological > disturbances > compared to co-offenders. Although co-offenders appeared more ³normal² they > were > more submissive, distrustful and easily influenced by others. > Saradjian¹s (1996) study of 50 females known to authorities for perpetrating > CSA suggests > ³that women of any age, social class group, intellectual ability, type of > employment and > marital status can sexually abuse children² (p38). Finkelhor et al. (1988) > study of CSA in > a day care setting supports this finding by describing females who perpetrate > sexual abuse > as ³more respectable² than the male perpetrators involved, as many of the > women are > regarded highly in their communities as businesswomen and civic leaders. > Similarly > female survivors of female perpetrated CSA in the Whetsell-Mitchell and Morse > (1998) > study report perpetrators to be the ³pillars in their communities² (p.151). > Literature regarding women as lone offenders or co-offenders of CSA is also > contradictory > and may depend on the cohort being studied. While Finkelhor et al. (1988) > found 73% of > adult female perpetrated CSA occurred in the company of other abusers (either > same-sex > group or with a male) other studies reveal the figures for female co-offending > varies > between 25% and 77% (Faller, 1987; Kaufman, Wallace, Johnson, & Reeder, 1995; > McCarty, 1986). Still, other literature confirms lower rates for female > co-offending > (Denov, 2004; Elliot¹s, 1993; Rudin et al., 1995). > > In contrast, Fehrenbach and Monastersky (1988), found all of the 28 adolescent > female > offenders in their study acted independently, without accomplices or coercion > (the > authors caution generalising from this sample to other populations). Further > research > is required in this area particularly to examine the relationship between age > and > co-offending behaviour in female perpetrators. Personal communications with a > Victorian Corrections Sex Offender Program psychologist suggest that not all > co-offending behaviour is coerced. > > Some female perpetrators may begin offending with coercion from a male > accomplice > but are quite capable of continuing the offending behaviours in the absence of > a male. > > A case example was cited of a wife who initially assisted her husband to > sexually > offend against a number of victims (male and female children, ranging in age > from 2-9 years old). > She later proceeded to sexually offend against all of the victims for her own > needs, without her > husband¹s presence or knowledge. Furthermore, in the course of treatment it > was revealed > the abuse of the children was driven by the needs of the woman, which related > to sexual > attraction, sexual arousal and sexual gratification. It was further suggested > the female CSA > perpetrator, during the time when the offences were committed, would have > certainly met > a diagnosis of paedophilia, including symptoms of arousal, fantasy (sexual > thoughts of the > child victims were almost totally consuming) and grooming, including > befriending the > victims and using blackmail to maintain secrecy. > > Similarities to male perpetrators of child sexual abuse > > Since most of the research on paraphilias is derived from studies of > incarcerated male sex > offenders, there is an evident research bias excluding females (Federoff, > Fishell, & > Fedoroff, 1999). Therefore, the male label paedophile has not been applied to > female > perpetrators of CSA for their apparent inability to ³fit² the diagnostic > criteria (Dunbar, > 1999). However, recent studies (Chow & Choy, 2002; Federoff et al., 1999; > Denov, > 2004a) highlight the existence of paedophilia in females. Chow and Choy (2002) > concluded that the one female involved in their study fulfilled the Diagnostic > and > Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th ed, (American Psychiatric > Association, 1994) > diagnostic criteria for paedophilia and in many ways resembled the history of > a man with > paedophilia. This case involved the use of fantasy, preference of gender/age > range, and > cognitive distortions believing victims teased the offender, whilst minimising > the harmful > effects of the sexual abuse on the victim/s. However, unlike male paedophiles > the female > paedophile in this case did not actively socialise with children and did not > use inducement > or enticements to engage the children. Physical harm and threats were also not > a factor. > Federoff et al. (1999) study of the social and personal history > characteristics of 14 women > compared to 118 men who were similarly assessed for presumed paraphilic sexual > disorders found 12 women were classified as having at least one paraphilia. > The three > most common paraphilic disorders in the female study group were paedophilia > (36%), > sexual sadism (29%), and exhibitionism (29%). The cases were drawn from the > clinical > records of a forensic psychiatrist who had conducted outpatient clinics for > assessment and > treatment of paraphilic disorders in three countries. > > Thus, some female CSA perpetrators are similar to men, particularly those who > act alone > (Groth, 1979). Studies (Kaufman et al., 1995; Finkelhor, et al., 1988; > Matthews et al., > 1991; Syed, 2004) confirm many women can and do sexually abuse children of > their own > volition and women who target adolescent children use a similar entrapment > process to > those of male perpetrators (Saradjian, 1996). Cooperation is gained by > bribery, coercion, > fear of abandonment and the attribution of mutual responsibility to the child > particularly in > the case of adolescent boys. Females however, are more likely to exploit their > victims by > allowing other adults or children to use their victims sexually (Kaufman et > al., 1995). > The element of sexual arousal is a much minimised issue concerning female sex > offending. Additional research is required to ensure legal and therapeutic > responses are > appropriate. > > The use of violence > > It is believed that offences committed by female sex offenders do not > generally involve > violent force (Johnson & Shrier, 1987). Evidence however, as to the severity > of CSA and > use of violence by female perpetrators remains conflicting and may once again > depend on > the population being studied (Chasnoff et al., 1986; Faller, 1987, Finkelhor > et al., 1988; > Fehrenbach & Monastersky, 1988; Kelly et al., 1993; Rudin et al., 1995). > Research claims > 60% of sexual abuse by lone female perpetrators or female co-perpetrators is > severe > (Ramsey-Klawsnik, 1990 cited in Rudin et al, 1995, p. 964). Syed & Williams > (1996) > confirms the violent perspective of female perpetrated sexual abuse. Syed > found in 19 > cases of incarcerated female sex offenders, 7 involved violence, consisting > of: handling > the victim roughly, beating or hitting the victim by hand and/or with bottles > and a piece of > wood, holding the victim down forcibly during intercourse, threatening the > victim at knife > point and killing a victim. In only 3 of the 19 cases could the absence of > violence or force > be confirmed while data on the remaining 9 cases was unclear or not available. > It appears that female perpetrators of CSA can and do use force. For example, > forcible > rape accounted for less than 1 percent of female arrests in 1992 however; in > 2002, arrest > for forcible rape had increased by 4% for adult women and 73% percent for > women under > the age of 18 years (Strickland, 1988). Finkelhor et al. (1988) study of 270 > day care > centres in America reveals that more women committed multiple cases of sexual > abuse > and acts involving sexual penetration than men in a day care setting. > Furthermore, the > women were more likely to force children to sexually abuse others and were > more > frequently apt to participate in ritualistic sexual abuse. > There is evidence now that women are capable of the same severity of sexual > abuse as > men, achieving sexual gratification particularly from sexual sadism with > children and can > abuse a child in all the ways a male does; using digits and/or objects instead > of a penis to > obtain penetration (Kaufman et al., 1995; Salter, 2003; Saradjian, 1996). > However, > Saradjian (1996) suggests the primary differences between male and female sex > offenders > is not so much the differences that each gender looks for in the target child > but rather how > the female perpetrator constructs her perceptions and beliefs about the > children she targets. > That is, female perpetrators of CSA will interpret any possible aspect of the > child¹s > behaviour to validate the perception of the child they have construed, be it > negative in the > case of women who initially target young children and women coerced to offend > or > positive in the case of women who initially target adolescent children. These > constructs > and perceptions of the child being good or bad help justify, rationalise and > facilitate the > acts of abuse. This point is pivotal as these constructions play a crucial > role in the victim¹s > construction of self, particularly when the abuser is the sole or primary > caretaker. > Gender of the victims > Victim gender selection of female perpetrators tends to yield conflicting > reports. > Finkelhor et al. (1988) found that females tend to victimise male and female > children equally. > However, other studies report that sole female perpetrators of CSA are likely > to abuse > more girls than boys (Rudin et al., 1995). Ramsey-Klawsnik (1990 cited in > Rudin et al, 1995, > p.964) reported that lone adult female perpetrators and co-perpetrators tended > to > abuse a greater proportion of boys than did lone male perpetrators. > Contrarily, in an > assessment of registered adult female sex offenders Vandiver and Walker (2002) > report > females comprised [only] a slight majority (55%) of the victims. > ------ End of Forwarded Message
