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On 5/21/09, Skinny <theskinnyasise...@yahoo.com> wrote:
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> 'The $12.9 billion in bailout funds funneled through AIG to pay Goldman
> Sachs for its highly speculative credit default swaps is just one egregious
> example. To the extent that the money generated by “quantitative easing” is
> being sucked into the black hole of paying off these speculative derivative
> bets, we could indeed be on the Weimar road and there is real cause for
> alarm.
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> We have been led to believe that we must prop up a zombie Wall Street
> banking behemoth because without it we would have no credit system, but that
> is not true. There is another viable alternative, and it may prove to be our
> only viable alternative.'
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>
> Read ... <http://www.marketoracle.co.uk/Article10759.html>
>
>     *Could the Weimar Hyperinflation Happen Again in America? * 
> Economics<http://www.marketoracle.co.uk/Topic6.html>/
> HyperInflation <http://www.marketoracle.co.uk/News-catid-191.html> May 19,
> 2009 - 08:52 PM
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> By: Global_Research
>
>   [image: Economics]  <http://www.marketoracle.co.uk/Topic6.html>
>
> [image: Best Financial Markets Analysis Article]Ellen Brown writes: “It
> was horrible. Horrible! Like lightning it struck. No one was prepared. The
> shelves in the grocery stores were empty. You could buy nothing with your
> paper money.” – Harvard University law professor Friedrich Kessler on the
> Weimar Republic hyperinflation (1993 interview)
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> <http://www.marketoracle.co.uk/20&linkCode=as2&camp=1789&creative=9325&creativeASIN=0979560829>
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> Some worried commentators are predicting a massive hyperinflation of the
> sort suffered by Weimar Germany in 1923, when a wheelbarrow full of paper
> money could barely buy a loaf of bread. An April 29 editorial in the San
> Francisco Examiner warned:
>
> “With an unprecedented deficit that’s approaching $2 trillion, [the
> President’s 2010] budget proposal is a surefire prescription for
> hyperinflation. So every senator and representative who votes for this
> monster $3.6 trillion budget will be endorsing a spending spree that could
> very well turn America into the next Weimar Republic.”1
>
> In an investment newsletter called Money Morning on April 9, Martin
> Hutchinson pointed to disturbing parallels between current government
> monetary policy and Weimar Germany’s, when 50% of government spending was
> being funded by seigniorage –
>
> merely printing money.2 However, there is something puzzling in his data.
> He indicates that the British government is already funding more of its
> budget by seigniorage than Weimar Germany did at the height of its massive
> hyperinflation;
>
>  yet the pound is still holding its own, under circumstances said to have
> caused the complete destruction of the German mark. Something else must have
> been responsible for the mark’s collapse besides mere money-
>
> printing to meet the government’s budget, but what? And are we threatened
> by the same risk today?
>
>  Let’s take a closer look at the data.
>
>
> History Repeats Itself – or Does It?
>
>   In his well-researched article, Hutchinson notes that Weimar Germany had
> been suffering from inflation ever since World War I; but it was in the two
> year period between 1921 and 1923 that the true “Weimar hyperinflation”
> occurred. By the time it had ended in November 1923, the mark was worth only
> one-trillionth of what it had been worth back in 1914. Hutchinson goes on:
>
> “The current policy mix reflects those of Germany during the period between
> 1919 and 1923. The Weimar government was unwilling to raise taxes to fund
> post-war reconstruction and war-reparations payments, and so it ran large
> budget deficits. It kept interest rates far below inflation, expanding money
> supply rapidly and raising 50% of government spending through seigniorage
> (printing money and living off the profits from issuing it). . . .
>
> “The really chilling parallel is that the United States, Britain and Japan
> have now taken to funding their budget deficits through seigniorage. In the
> United States, the Fed is buying $300 billion worth of U.S. Treasury bonds
> (T-bonds) over a six-month period, a rate of $600 billion per annum, 15% of
> federal spending of $4 trillion. In Britain, the Bank of England (BOE) is
> buying 75 billion pounds of gilts [the British equivalent of U.S. Treasury
> bonds]
>
> over three months. That’s 300 billion pounds per annum, 65% of British
> government spending of 454 billion pounds. Thus, while the United States is
> approaching Weimar German policy (50% of spending) quite rapidly, Britain
> has already overtaken it!”
>
>
> And that is where the data gets confusing. If Britain is already meeting a
> larger percentage of its budget deficit by seigniorage than Germany did at
> the height of its hyperinflation, why is the pound now worth about as much
> on foreign exchange markets as it was nine years ago, under circumstances
> said to have driven the mark to a trillionth of its former value in the same
> period, and most of this in only two years? Meanwhile, the U.S. dollar has
> actually gotten stronger relative to other currencies since the policy was
> begun last year of massive “quantitative easing” (today’s euphemism for
> seigniorage).
>
> 3 Central banks rather than governments are now doing the printing, but the
> effect on the money supply should be the same as in the government
> money-printing schemes of old.
>
> The government debt bought by the central banks is never actually paid off
> but is just rolled over from year to year;
>
>  and once the new money is in the money supply, it stays there, diluting
> the value of the currency. So why haven’t our currencies already collapsed
> to a trillionth of their former value, as happened in Weimar Germany?
> Indeed, if it were a simple question of supply and demand, a government
> would have to print a trillion times its earlier money supply to drop its
> currency by a factor of a trillion; and even the German government isn’t
> charged with having done that. Something else must have been going on in the
> Weimar Republic, but what?
>
>
>
> Schacht Lets the Cat Out of the Bag
>
>   Light is thrown on this mystery by the later writings of Hjalmar
> Schacht, the currency commissioner for the Weimar Republic.
>
> The facts are explored at length in The Lost Science of Money by Stephen
> Zarlenga, who writes that in Schacht’s 1967 book The Magic of Money, he “let
> the cat out of the bag, writing in German, with some truly remarkable
> admissions that shatter the ‘accepted wisdom’ the financial community has
> promulgated on the German hyperinflation.” What actually drove the wartime
> inflation into hyperinflation, said Schacht, was speculation by foreign
> investors, who would bet on the mark’s decreasing value by selling it short.
>
>
> Short selling is a technique used by investors to try to profit from an
> asset’s falling price. It involves borrowing the asset and selling it, with
> the understanding that the asset must later be bought back and returned to
> the original owner. The speculator is gambling that the price will have
> dropped in the meantime and he can pocket the difference. Short selling of
> the German mark was made possible because private banks made massive amounts
> of currency available for borrowing, marks that were created on demand and
> lent to investors, returning a profitable interest to the banks.
>
> At first, the speculation was fed by the Reichsbank (the German central
> bank), which had recently been privatized. But when the Reichsbank could no
> longer keep up with the voracious demand for marks, other private banks were
> allowed to create them out of nothing and lend them at interest as well.4
>
>
> A Story with an Ironic Twist
>
>   If Schacht is to be believed, not only did the government not cause the
> hyperinflation but it was the government that got the situation under
> control. The Reichsbank was put under strict regulation, and prompt
> corrective measures were taken to eliminate foreign speculation by
> eliminating easy access to loans of bank-created money.
>
> More interesting is a little-known sequel to this tale. What allowed
> Germany to get back on its feet in the 1930s was the very thing today’s
> commentators are blaming for bringing it down in the 1920s – money issued by
> seigniorage by the government.
> Economist Henry C. K. Liu calls this form of financing “sovereign credit.”
> He writes of Germany’s remarkable transformation:
>
> “The Nazis came to power in Germany in 1933, at a time when its economy was
> in total collapse, with ruinous war-reparation obligations and zero
> prospects for foreign investment or credit. Yet through an independent
> monetary policy of sovereign credit and a full-employment public-works
> program, the Third Reich was able to turn a bankrupt Germany, stripped of
> overseas colonies it could exploit, into the strongest economy in Europe
> within four years, even before armament spending began.”5
>
> While Hitler clearly deserves the opprobrium heaped on him for his later
> atrocities, he was enormously popular with his own people, at least for a
> time. This was evidently because he rescued Germany from the throes of a
> worldwide depression –
>
> and he did it through a plan of public works paid for with currency
> generated by the government itself. Projects were first earmarked for
> funding, including flood control, repair of public buildings and private
> residences, and construction of new buildings, roads, bridges, canals, and
> port facilities. The projected cost of the various programs was fixed at one
> billion units of the national currency. One billion non-inflationary bills
> of exchange called Labor Treasury Certificates were then issued against this
> cost.
>
> Millions of people were put to work on these projects, and the workers were
> paid with the Treasury Certificates. The workers then spent the certificates
> on goods and services, creating more jobs for more people. These
> certificates were not actually debt-
>
> free but were issued as bonds, and the government paid interest on them to
> the bearers. But the certificates circulated as money and were renewable
> indefinitely, making them a de facto currency; and they avoided the need to
> borrow from international lenders or to pay off international debts.6 The
> Treasury Certificates did not trade on foreign currency markets, so they
> were beyond the reach of the currency speculators. They could not be sold
> short because there was no one to sell them to, so they retained their
> value.
>
> Within two years, Germany’s unemployment problem had been solved and the
> country was back on its feet. It had a solid, stable currency, and no
> inflation, at a time when millions of people in the United States and other
> Western countries were still out of work and living on welfare. Germany even
> managed to restore foreign trade, although it was denied foreign credit and
> was faced with an economic boycott abroad. It did this by using a barter
> system:
>
> equipment and commodities were exchanged directly with other countries,
> circumventing the international banks. This system of direct exchange
> occurred without debt and without trade deficits.
>
> Although Germany’s economic experiment was short-lived, it left some
> lasting monuments to its success, including the famous Autobahn, the world’s
> first extensive superhighway.7
>
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>
> The Lessons of History: Not Always What They Seem Germany’s scheme for
> escaping its crippling debt and reinvigorating a moribund economy was
> clever, but it was not actually original with the Germans. The notion that a
> government could fund itself by printing and delivering paper receipts for
> goods and services received was first devised by the American colonists.
> Benjamin Franklin credited the remarkable growth and abundance in the
> colonies, at a time when English workers were suffering the impoverished
> conditions of the Industrial Revolution, to the colonists’ unique system of
> government-issued money. In the nineteenth century, Senator Henry Clay
> called this the “American system,” distinguishing it from the “British
> system” of privately-issued paper banknotes. After the American Revolution,
> the American system was replaced in the U.S. with banker-created money; but
> government-issued money was revived during the Civil War, when Abraham
> Lincoln funded his government with U.S. Notes or “Greenbacks” issued by the
> Treasury.
>
> The dramatic difference in the results of Germany’s two money-printing
> experiments was a direct result of the uses to which the money was put.
> Price inflation results when “demand” (money) increases more than “supply”
> (goods and services),
>
>  driving prices up; and in the experiment of the 1930s, new money was
> created for the purpose of funding productivity, so supply and demand
> increased together and prices remained stable. Hitler said, “For every mark
> issued, we required the equivalent of a mark’s worth of work done, or goods
> produced.” In the hyperinflationary disaster of 1923, on the other hand,
> money was printed merely to pay off speculators, causing demand to shoot up
> while supply remained fixed. The result was not just inflation but
> hyperinflation, since the speculation went wild, triggering rampant
> tulip-bubble-style mania and panic.
>
> This was also true in Zimbabwe, a dramatic contemporary example of runaway
> inflation. The crisis dated back to 2001, when Zimbabwe defaulted on its
> loans and the IMF refused to make the usual accommodations, including
> refinancing and loan forgiveness. Apparently, the IMF’s intention was to
> punish the country for political policies of which it disapproved, including
> land reform measures that involved reclaiming the lands of wealthy
> landowners. Zimbabwe’s credit was ruined and it could not get loans
> elsewhere, so the government resorted to issuing its own national currency
> and using the money to buy U.S. dollars on the foreign-
>
> exchange market. These dollars were then used to pay the IMF and regain the
> country’s credit rating.8 According to a statement by the Zimbabwe central
> bank, the hyperinflation was caused by speculators who manipulated the
> foreign-exchange market, charging exorbitant rates for U.S. dollars, causing
> a drastic devaluation of the Zimbabwe currency.
>
> The government’s real mistake, however, may have been in playing the IMF’s
> game at all. Rather than using its national currency to buy foreign fiat
> money to pay foreign lenders, it could have followed the lead of Abraham
> Lincoln and the American colonists and issued its own currency to pay for
> the production of goods and services for its own people. Inflation would
> then have been avoided, because supply would have kept up with demand;
>
> and the currency would have served the local economy rather than being
> siphoned off by speculators.
>
>
> The Real Weimar Threat and How It Can Be Avoided
>
>
>
> More-
>
> >
>

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