------ Forwarded Message
From: Alanna Hartzok <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Sun, 23 Oct 2005 23:07:54 -0400
To: Latin America LVT <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: FIRE IN THE SOUTH



 From Orion
http://www.oriononline.org/pages/om/05-5om/Solnit.html


FIRE IN THE SOUTH
If you want to see what democracy could be, look to Latin America.

 From Rebecca Solnit

THE MOST EXHILARATING and the most promising things going on at this
particular moment in history have hardly made news in the USA, or bits
and pieces have without a summary that says: Latin America is on fire
with revolutions that suggest how the world might change, for a change,
for the better.


The current fire season began in the spring of 2000 when the people of
Cochabamba, Bolivia, kicked out Bechtel Corporation, the San
Francisco-based multinational that had privatized their water and raised
rates beyond what the poor could afford. Since the victory in
Cochabamba, mass mobilizations of Bolivia's largely indigenous
population have ousted two presidents and prevented the privatization
and sell-off of the country's considerable natural gas resources.


These fires, in Bolivia and beyond, are attempting to burn out
neoliberalism: the ideology of unfettered capitalism manifested as
deregulation, as privatization of resources and services, as drastically
reduced social services, and as dismissal of the value of community,
civil society, and the public‹as in public lands or public good.


Or, in a nutshell, the opening of a place to unregulated plundering.
Neoliberals assert that their activities provide widespread benefits
despite massive evidence to the contrary. Or perhaps widespread benefits
were never really a serious concern for those who subscribe to this
system of spreading environmental degradation, sabotaged rights, and
starvation wages.


In December of 2001 there was a splendid conflagration in Argentina, the
nation that was supposed to be neoliberalism's poster child until its
economic policies led to a collapse. Then, the proud middle class became
poor, the country ran through several presidents in several days, and
the people took to the streets, banging pots and pans and shouting, "¡Se
vayan todos!";‹"All of them [politicians] out!" Since then Argentina has
become a brilliant laboratory of social experiments, from the shuttered
factories reopened and run by workers' co-operatives to consensus-based
neighborhood groups functioning as both salons and soup kitchens. And
more recently Nestor Kirchner, who became president in 2003, directly
defied the International Monetary Fund, recognizing that its policies
are what brought the country to its knees in the first place.



Meanwhile Brazilians, led by the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem
Terra, the powerful landless rural workers' movement, chose former
steelworker and union organizer Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva as their
president in 2002. Though the MST has been bitterly disappointed by
Lula's failure to bring about profound land redistribution, his
administration has done some noteworthy things, such as leading
third-world nations to defy the World Trade Organization in Cancun in
September of 2003.


And the fires keep spreading. As the investigative journalist Greg
Palast recently put it, "Ecuador has a new president, and George Bush
has someone new to hate." Palast recounted how, in April of 2005,
"100,000 angry Ecuadorians, from Indians to accountants, forced the last
president to flee the country. They called him 'Sucio Lucio' (Dirty
Lucio) Gutierrez, for going along with demands of George Bush and the
World Bank to cut government spending on health and education." Former
vice-president Alfredo Palacio, who assumed the presidency, shows signs
of being more genuinely democratic and concerned with the plight of the
poor.


Ecuador has oil, but Venezuela has more: it supplies 15 percent of the
U.S.'s huge oil diet, which has kept the oil barons at the helm of our
country both attentive and resentful. Populist strongman Hugo Chavez,
first elected in 1998, has distributed Venezuela's oil profits more
equitably to try to lift more people out of poverty. He has so angered
the Bush administration that it helped sponsor a coup against him in
2002‹one overturned by people in the streets of Caracas‹and blames him
for "unrest," as they call it, also known as insurrection, elsewhere
across the continent.


And last November, while the world mourned the re-election of Bush, the
people of Uruguay elected their first left-wing president and passed a
plebiscite forever preventing the privatization of water.


Of course you can trace these radical stirrings back much further, to
the administrations of Salvador Allende in Chile and Jacobo Arbenz in
Guatemala, which the United States helped to overthrow in 1973 and 1954
respectively. But those regimes and the movements that sprang up in
their defense were squashed again and again, sometimes with U.S. tax
dollars and intelligence operations. This time the chances of success
seem better, in part because the U.S. has been both weakened and
distracted by its misadventures in the Middle East‹better even though
Chavez is a strongman building up a cult of personality, Lula has
compromised too much, and even Kirchner is far from being a
revolutionary hero. After all, it's not really about presidents, but
about the people who put them in power, or take them out, and who never
surrender the right to determine the fate of their nation. The anonymous
masses of people who have launched these changes are the real heroes,
and they are only at the beginning of their power and invention.


This is what is truly exciting about South America: the sense of
populist movements and indigenous insurgencies feeling their way through
the dark to the idea of what a just society might look like. Or perhaps
what is most significant in this incendiary era, this continent on fire,
is the passion and the power of the people who fight these battles for
water, for justice, for a voice in their society.



In my own society, even our dreams seem to have been privatized. Up here
in the north, neoliberal policies have demolished the American dream for
many Yankees who can no longer afford education, or decent housing, or
who are bankrupted by illness. The great gains brought about by union
struggles, the New Deal, and the Great Society have been whittled away
steadily since Ronald Reagan was first elected and brought the
neoliberal agenda to power with him.


But too many in this Horatio Alger nation fail to see the situation as a
political crisis with political solutions that can be realized
collectively. Nowhere is this more deeply apparent than in the obsession
with home ownership and home improvement, where the power to live well
and change things is confined to the tiny compass of the personal,
privatized realm. Our dream has been reduced to a couple of thousand
square feet at 6 percent interest, rather than that old sea-to-sea
vision of justice and equality, that sense that one's own fate is
inseparable from that of one's fellow citizens, or that a whole society
or country can be the home you love and work for (which summons up the
amusing notion that revolution is remodeling on the grand scale).


What is it that makes Latin Americans so much more politically potent
than Yankees? Is it the memory of how horribly things can go wrong, that
the doors of even the nicest houses can be bashed in by death squads? Is
it fear? After all, the era when much of South America was governed by
dictators and when torture, murder, and disappearance were common is not
very far in the past. Or is it hope, the hope of cultures where not all
dreams have been privatized into the realm of the apolitical, where
individual good is still connected to civil society and social justice?


Poverty, violence, and environmental devastation are still terrible
problems for Latin America, but the region is rich in people-power, and
the future that power may shape looms on the horizon. As my brother
David says, when it comes to the real practice of democracy, the U.S. is
an underdeveloped nation that needs help from abroad. Nowhere are the
lessons more inspiring than to the south. And we're going to need a lot
more people-power in one version of the future, in which we need to stop
our own government from once again preventing South America's move
toward the kind of democracy we should dream of, and could.





 
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