-Caveat Lector-

an excerpt from:
The Plot to Seize the White House
Jules Archer(C)1973
Hawthorne Books, Inc.
New York, NY
"So who the hell cares?" Butler shrugged. "There wouldn't be a
United States if it wasn't for a bunch of radicals. I once heard of
a radical named George Washington. As a matter of fact from
what I read he was an extremist--a goddam revolutionist!"



About seven weeks after Butler and French had testified, John Spivak asked
McCormack for an interview, and it was granted. McCormack had no fear of
talking to a reporter from the New Masses, for which Spivak was writing at the
time. Communist-oriented or not, McCormack knew that the Masses was in the
forefront of exposing Nazi and anti-Semitic activities in the United States.

Asked about the deleted testimony, McCormack at first suggested that Spivak
was relying on gossip. When Spivak revealed and convinced McCormack that he
had seen the transcript of the executive session, the congressman grew annoyed
and canceled the interview. He agreed to let Spivak leave questions with him,
however, and said he would reply to those he chose to answer within three

Writing Spivak a letter three days later, he gave no specific answers to
questions about the American Liberty League, the American Legion's passage of
the gold resolution, and the report that John W. Davis had written the speech
that MacGuire and Clark had wanted Butler to make.

"The reason for certain portions of General Butler's testimony in executive
session being deleted from the public record," he wrote, "has been clearly
stated in the public record."

He went on to make a broad attack against the plotters and to suggest that the
hearings had defeated them: "As a result of the investigation, and the
disclosures made, this movement has been stopped, and is practically broken
up. There is no question but that some of the leaders are attempting to carry
on, but they can make no headway. Public opinion, as a result of the
disclosures of the investigation, is aroused."

Spivak went to see Dickstein and asked him why Colonel Grayson M.-P. Murphy
had not been called upon to testify. "Your committee knew," Spivak reminded
him, "that Murphy's men are in the anti-Semitic espionage organization, Order
of 76."

"We didn't have the time," Dickstein replied. "We'd have taken care of the
Wall Street groups if we had the time. I would have had no hesitation in going
after the Morgans."

"You had Belgrano, commander of the American Legion, listed to testify. Why
wasn't he examined?"

"I don't know," Dickstein replied, and referred him back to McCormack for the


Spivak decided to inform General Butler, who, he was sure, did not realize it,
that portions of his and French's testimony had been omitted in the official
report issued by the McCormackDickstein Committee. "If he knew and said so
publicly," Spivak reasoned, "he would reach a vastly greater audience than was
available to me through the New Masses."

Telephoning the general, Spivak announced that he was from the New Masses and
wanted to see him about his testimony.

"Come on out," Butler said promptly. "Glad to see you."

The roads had not been cleared of a heavy snowfall of the night before, and
Spivak trudged to the house in Newtown Square through knee-deep snow. His
spartan march appealed to Butler, who welcomed him heartily with the approval
he had always shown to soldiers who disregarded the foulest weather to push on
doggedly with their assigned missions.

Spivak-saw a slender man with receding hair, lined and sunken cheeks, thick
eyebrows, furrowed lines between keen eyes, generous nose, and jutting
underlip. He liked Butler instantly, and the feeling was apparently mutual.

During their talk Butler revealed that he was intensely preoccupied with the
corporate exploitation of the military for profit. Anxious to arouse Americans
to this spoliation, he now believed it might be done by a more sophisticated
book of memoirs and reflections than Old Gimlet Eye.

"I think you're the man I've been hoping to run into to help me do an
autobiography," he told Spivak. "There are things I've seen, things I've
learned that should not be left unsaid. War is a racket to protect economic
interests, not our country, and our soldiers are sent to die on foreign soil
to protect investments by big business."

Spivak said regretfully that he felt compelled to continue investigating and
exposing a more urgent and dangerous situation --Nazi activities in the United
States. Butler agreed at once that this activity was more important and
offered to help by opening any doors be could for Spivak.

During their discussion Spivak learned "things about big business and
politics, sometimes in earthy, four-letter words, the like of which I had
never heard." Butler spilled over with anger at the hypocrisy that had marked
American interference in the internal affairs of other governments, behind a
smoke screen of pious expressions of high-sounding purpose.

"We supervised elections in Haiti," he said wryly, "and wherever we supervised
them our candidate always won."

Admiring Butler's candor, Spivak did not want to mislead him or sail under
false colors. He reminded the general that he was from the New Masses, and in
case Butler didn't know it, added, "It's supposed to be a Communist magazine."

"So who the hell cares?" Butler shrugged. "There wouldn't be a United States
if it wasn't for a bunch of radicals. I once heard of a radical named George
Washington. As a matter of fact from What I read he was an extremist--a goddam

Because of his fierce anti-Fascist and anti-big-business views, Butler was
sometimes Red-baited. He was scarcely unique in being made a target for this
kind of attack by rightists and ultra-conservatives. As George Seldes told me,
"If you are saying anything in general about the fight against fascism in
America, it seems to me that a point to emphasize is that the entire Red-
baiting wave which culminated in the McCarthy era was successful in inundating
the anti-Fascists by making every anti-Fascist, whether liberal,. socialist,
or Communist, a Red."

Butler was shocked when Spivak showed him copies of the portions of his and
French's testimony that had been deleted from the official report of the
hearings. His scowl deepened as Spivak revealed that Belgrano had been
dismissed without being asked a single question about what had happened at the
"gold-standard resolution" Legion convention in Chicago.

According to Spivak, upon learning that the committee had reported to Congress
that it had verified the authenticity of the plot, yet no action had been
taken about MacGuire's wholesale denials under oath, Butler lost control of
his volatile temper.

I'll be goddammed!" he roared. "You can be sure I'm going to say something
about this!"

Spivak asked him to hold off long enough to let the tiny circulation New
Masses break the story first. Butler agreed. When the Masses appeared with the
expose, it was a sensational news scoop, but none of the Washington
correspondents dared touch it or follow it up.

"Several expressed regret," Spivak related, "that the expose's were appearing
in the New Masses; when they quoted from one of my stories--solely on its news
value--their editors cut the material out and advised them that quotes from
'that magazine' might make readers say the paper was spreading Red propaganda.
So great had the fear of communism and 'Red propaganda' become that even
editors who did not swallow all of it themselves went along because it was the
popular attitude."


In his broadcast over WCAU on February 17, 1935, Butler revealed that some of
the "most important" portions of his testimony had been suppressed in the
McCormack-Dickstein report to Congress. The committee, he growled, had
"stopped dead in its tracks when it got near the top." He added angrily:

Like most committees, it has slaughtered the little and allowed the big to
escape. The big shots weren't even called to testify. Why wasn't Colonel
Grayson M.-P. Murphy, New York broker ... called? Why wasn't Louis Howe,
Secretary to the President of the United States, called? . . . Why wasn't Al
Smith called? And why wasn't Gen. Douglas MacArthur, Chief of Staff of the
United States Army, called? And why wasn't Hanford MacNider, former American
Legion commander, called? They were all mentioned in the testimony. And why
was all mention of these names suppressed from the committee report?

This was no piker set-up. MacGuire, who was the agent of the Wall Street
bankers and brokers who proposed this organization, told me that $3,000,000
was "on the line" and that $300,000,000--and that's a lot of money even
todaywas in view to put over this plot to bluff the government.

He kept up a running attack on the conspirators night after night, revealing
facts that had been omitted in the official committee report. In another
broadcast he lashed out at the American Legion with no holds barred:

Do you think it could be hard to buy the American Legion for un-American
activities? You know, the average veteran thinks the Legion is a patriotic
organization to perpetuate the memories of the last war, an organization to
promote peace, to take care of the wounded and to keep green the graves of
those who gave their lives.

But is the American Legion that? No sir, not while it is controlled by the
bankers. For years the bankers, by buying big club houses for various posts,
by financing its beginning, and otherwise, have tried to make a strikebreaking
organization of the Legion. The groups--the so-called Royal Family of the
Legion--which have picked its officers for years, aren't interested in
patriotism, in peace, in wounded veterans, in those who gave their lives...
No, they are interested only in using the veterans, through their officers.

Why, even now, the commander of the American Legion is a banker--a banker who
must have known what MacGuires money was going to be used for. His name was
mentioned in the testimony. Why didn't they call Belgrano and ask him why he

Butler was incredulous when he read that Colonel William E. Easterwood,
national vice-commander of the Legion, while visiting Italy in 1935, had
pinned a Legion button on Mussolini, making him an "honorary member," and had
invited the dictator to the next Legion convention in Chicago.

Why, Butler wondered, did the Legion membership stand for such an abuse of the
organization in their name? Apparently an uproar of sorts did break out,
because Mussolini's honorary membership was later canceled as
"unconstitutional" on grounds that the Legion bad no honorary members.

Representative Dickstein was given the job of replying to Butler's radio
blasts in a broadcast over the same network. The fifty-year-old congressman
gave the committee's version of the censored testimony:

General Smedley Butler saw fit to employ this radio network to indulge in
general criticism of the work done by the Congressional Committee on Un-
American Activities and to cast aspersions on the character of such men as
Alfred E. Smith, Louis Howe, General MacArthur and Hanford MacNider....

The committee felt it should hear General Butler and ... follow out the
"leads" which the general furnished to the
members of the committee. The testimony given by General Butler was kept
confidential until such time as the names of the persons who were mentioned in
his testimony could be checked upon and verified. The committee did not want
to hear General Butler's allegations without giving itself the opportunity to
verify the assertions made by him.

It did not feel like dragging into the mud of publicity names of persons who
were mentioned by General Butler unless his statements could be verified,
since untold damage might be caused to a person's reputation, by public
discussion of testimony which could not be substantiated.

This accounts for the fact that when the results of the hearings were finally
made public, references to Alfred E. Smith and others were omitted. They were
wholly without consequence and public mention might be misinterpreted by the

The essential portions, however, of General Butler's testimony have been
released to the public and his specific charges relating to the proposed
organization of a "soldier's movement" have been thoroughly aired and passed
upon by the committee....

General Butler asks why Clark was not called before the committee. Well, the
reason was that Mr. Clark has been living in France for over a year, as
General Butler well knows, and naturally he could not be subpoenaed, but on
the 29th of December, 1934, Mr. Clark was represented before the committee in
the person of his attorney, and full information was given the committee. Mr.
Butler didn't tell you this....


For whatever additional light could be shed on the plot to take over the White
House that he had helped to expose, I interviewed John W. McCormack on
September 17, 1971. At seventy-nine, lean, bright, warm, and friendly, the
former Speaker of the House revealed a sharp, clear memory that enabled him to
recall spontaneously many names and details of the hearings over which he had
presided as chairman thirty-four years earlier.

I reminded him that the committee had said that it wanted to hear Clark's
testimony, and Clark had stated that he would return from Europe to testify,
but had not done so. Yet be had not called or subpoenaed Clark to do so. Why

"We couldn't subpoena Clark to testify at the executive session of our
bearings because they were held outside of Washington," McCormack explained.
"According to the law of that day, we had no power to subpoena anyone to
executive sessions outside the Capital. I subsequently recommended changing
the law to give congressional committees that right, and the change was in
fact made."* [*The hearings were probably held in New York rather than in
Washington, because the committee at the same time was investigating Communist
infiltration in the fur unions of that city]

Asked whether he knew what the reaction of President Roosevelt or Louis Howe
had been to the exposure of the plot, he replied that he did not.

Why had the Department of Justice under Attorney General Homer Cummings failed
to initiate criminal proceedings against any of the plotters?

"The way I figure it," he replied, "we did our job in the committee by
exposing the plot, and then it was up to the Department of Justice to do their
job-to take it from there."

John L. Spivak was equally mystified by the lack of any action taken by the
department against the conspirators. When I asked him about it, he replied, "I
have no knowledge why the Attorney General did not pursue this matter except
that most likely it was deemed politically inadvisable." He thought it
possible that the decision might actually have been made in the White House on
a basis of sheer pragmatism. As he speculated in his book A Man in His Time:

What would be the public gain from delving deeper into a plot which was
already exposed and whose principals could be kept under surveillance?
Roosevelt had enough headaches in those troubled days without having to make a
face-to-face confrontation with men of great wealth and power. Was it
avoidance of such a confrontation? Was it a desire by the head of the
Democratic Party to avoid going into matters which could split the party down
the middle, what with Davis and Smith, two former party heads, among those
named by Butler?

I asked McCormack what his own reactions had been to MacGuire's testimony
denying all of Butler's allegations.

"There was no doubt that General Butler was telling the truth," he replied.
"We believed his testimony one hundred percent. He was a great, patriotic
American in every respect."

"In your considered judgment, Mr. Speaker, were those men Butler named as
involved in the plot guilty?"

"Millions were at stake when Clark and the others got the Legion to pass that
resolution on the gold standard in 1933," he answered. "When Roosevelt refused
to be pressured by it, and went even further off the gold standard, those
fellows got desperate and decided to look into European methods, with the idea
of introducing them into America. They sent MacGuire to Europe to study the
Fascist organizations. We found the evidence that Clark and [Colonel] Grayson
Murphy, who underwrote the American Legion with $125,000, were involved when
we examined MacGuire's records and bank accounts."

I asked him about Colonel Murphy's role in the plot.

"Grayson Murphy was a number-one kingmaker in the Legion. His firm had clients
of great wealth. Those fellows were afraid that Roosevelt would take their
money away by taxes. They were desperate and sought to take power and frighten
Roosevelt into doing what they wanted. But they made the mistake of
approaching the wrong man to do the job."

"Had the plotters only wanted to take over the White House to restore the gold
standard, or were they also out to destroy the New Deal and set up a Fascist
dictatorship to run the country through an American Mussolini?"

McCormack reflected a moment, then said, "Well, we were in the depths of a
severe depression, and we had a good man, Roosevelt, in the White House, and
he'd revived the hopes and confidence of the American people. The plotters
definitely hated the New Deal because it was for the people, not for the
moneyed interests, and they were willing to spend a lot of their money to dump
Mr. Roosevelt out of the White House."

"Could you say definitely that the American Liberty League was the
organization of 'big fellows' that MacGuire had described as being behind the

"I don't know anything about the Liberty League," he replied in a crisp manner
that did not encourage me to pursue any further interrogation along that line.

"Mr. Speaker, why were the plotters so insistent that General Butler accept
their proposal that he be the one to head the Fascist march on Washington they

"They chose Smedley Butler because they needed an 'enlisted man's general,'
not a 'general's general! They had to have a colorful figure half a million or
more veterans who had been privates and noncoms would follow. General Butler
was the most popular one."

"If General Butler had been an ambitious man like Aaron Burr and had been
willing to be the Man on the White Horse for the plotters, do you think their
conspiracy to take over the White House, with all that money behind it, might
have succeeded?"

"Well, if General Butler had not been the patriot he was, and if they had been
able to maintain secrecy, the plot certainly might very well have succeeded,
having in mind the conditions existing at that time. No one can say for sure,
of course, but when times are desperate and people are frustrated, anything
like that could happen."

"And we might have gone Fascist?"

"If the plotters had got rid of Roosevelt, there's no telling what might have
taken place. They wouldn't have told the people what they were doing, of
course. They were going to make it all sound constitutional, of course, with a
high-sounding name for the dictator and a plan to make it all sound like a
good American program. A well-organized minority can always outmaneuver an
unorganized majority, as Adolf Hitler did. He failed with his beer-hall
putsch, but he succeeded when he was better organized. The same thing could
have happened here."

"How did it come about that the committee first approached Butler before he
approached the committee?"

"Oh, we heard something about it and asked the general if he knew anything,"
McCormack replied. "He said he certainly did. He was giving the plotters a
come-on and trying to get the whole story from them. When he had all the
information on who was behind it, and what they were up to, he wanted to come
to Washington, testify before our committee, and break the whole thing wide

Finally I asked him, "Then in your opinion America could definitely have
become a Fascist power had it not been for General Butler's patriotism in
exploding the plot?"

"It certainly could have," McCormack acknowledged. "The people were in a very
confused state of mind, making the nation weak and ripe for some drastic kind
of extremist reaction. Mass frustration could bring about anything."

He reminded me that the international smell of fascism had been very much in
the air during the hectic days of the plot and that much undercover Fascist
activity had been going on in the United States that the American people knew
nothing about. The McCormack-Dickstein Committee had exposed Ivy Lee, the
noted public relations expert ostensibly employed by the German dye trust, but
actually on the payroll of the Nazi Government to help them win favorable
publicity in the American press. The committee had brought about passage of
the Foreign Agents' Registration Act to smoke out hidden Nazi and Soviet
agents into the limelight.

This committee was not the headline-seeking, witch-hunting extravaganza that
HUAC became under Martin Dies. "Its manner of investigation commanded special
respect," notes historian Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. "McCormack used competent
investigators and employed as committee counsel a former Georgia senator with
a good record on civil liberties. Most of the examination of witnesses was
carried on in executive sessions. In public sessions, witnesses were free to
consult counsel. Through-out, McCormack was eager to avoid hit-and-run
accusation and unsubstantiated testimony. The result was an almost uniquely
scrupulous investigation in a highly sensitive area."

Schlesinger noted that the McCormack Committee had "declared itself 'able to
verify all the pertinent statements made by General Butler' except for
MacGuire's direct proposal to him, and it considered this more or less
confirmed by MacGuire's European reports.... James E. Van Zandt, national
commander of the Veterans of Foreign Wars and subsequently a Republican
congressman, corroborated Butler's story and said that he, too, had been
approached by 'agents of Wall Street.'"

I queried McCormack about one final point. One newspaper reporter had
suggested that Butler had not himself taken the plot very seriously. "Oh, no,
General Butler regarded the plot very gravely indeed," McCormack said
emphatically. "He knew that this was a threat to our very way of government by
a bunch of rich men who wanted fascism."

I also discussed this point with the Butler family. Smedley Butler, Jr.,
agreed with McCormack and explained why his father did not immediately go to
Washington when he realized what the plotters were up to: "Dad was not stupid.
He had no proof, and he could not name names, so he had to be careful about

In fairness to the American Legion today, it needs to be pointed out that the
Legion leadership of our times is far different from what it was in the period
during and preceding the Butler hearings, when so many former commanders and
high officials were involved in the conspiracy and antilabor actvities[sic]
dictated by big-business interests.

John L. Spivak explained why:

A long struggle followed within the Legion between those who would use the
members for their own business and political interests and those who wanted
the organization used for the benefit of former servicemen. The latter won. At
the time of the plot, the cleavage between the rank and file and the Royal
Family seemed--as it indeed turned out to be--a permanent one. In the
generation that followed, the Legion underwent drastic changes and a
mellowing. . . . Members now rarely participate in antilabor activity. In
fact, many Legionnaires are themselves loyal union men.


To carry his warnings further to the American people, Butler began touring the
country in a series of lectures. On the podium he held audiences fascinated
not only by his vigorous exposes of big business, war-makers, the American
Liberty League, and the American Legion "Royal Family," but by the sheer
dynamism of his personality.

As he grew more and more heated, he would roam the stage, gesticulating
vigorously as he made his points-, often extemporaneously, in salty, sometimes
ribald, always blunt language.

He was flooded with requests for appearances at huge veterans' bonus rallies
staged by the V.F.W. all over the country. In his speeches to veterans he
would growl at their naivete as "dumb soldiers" because they didn't organize
politically to fight for veterans' benefits due them. They would grin and
applaud enthusiastically, knowing that behind his gruff manner was a genuine
fondness and concern for their welfare.

Acknowledged as the spokesman for the "forgotten veteran," he was besieged
with requests for help in getting adequate pensions for disabled veterans, and
through the V.F.W. put pressure on the Veterans Administration in hundreds of

The worshipful attitude of veterans toward Butler was expressed in a typical
letter to him in March, 1935, by a veteran who wrote, "We all know that you
speak our language, and that the yet is about as close to your heart as
anything else in the world."

There was no generation gap between the fifty-four-year-old general and youth
leaders of that period, who were organizing the American Student Union to
fight "against war and fascism." They felt a close kinship with the war hero
who hated wars, and hated the men who had sent him to fight them. Now
constantly proselytizing against war in the hope of stopping any new ones,
Butler also wrote magazine articles condemning Marine intervention in the
affairs of China.

Speaking to a Y.M.C.A. in Coatesville, Pennsylvania, in February, he accused
the big industrialists of America of fattening on the blood of soldiers. He
pointed out that the average profit of the Du Ponts from 1910 to 1914 had been
only $6 million, but had soared to $58 million between 1914 and 1918. The jump
in the same periods for Bethlehem Steel had been $6 to $49 million; for
International Nickel, $4 to $73 million.

"It makes you feel proud," he said bitingly. "A lot of the stockholders are
members of the National Economy League, and, after I complete my
investigation, I will probably find they are also members of the American
Liberty League."

On February 25 Time magazine ran a two-column photo showing Butler and
comedian Jimmy Durante, who attended a dinner in Pittsburgh where the general
was speaking, facing each other "nose to nose" in a light moment for the
photographer. The caption read "SCHNOZZLE, GIMLET EYE. Fascist to Fascist?"

In a tiny footnote at the bottom of the page, in five-point type that could
barely be read, Time informed those of its readers with 20-20 vision, "Also
last week the House Committee on UnAmerican Activities purported to report
that a two-month investigation had convinced it that General Butler's story of
a Fascist march on Washington was alarmingly true." This was Time's
microscopic amends for its lengthy page-one ridicule of the plot a dozen weeks

In March, 1935, Butler began lecturing to mass meetings called by the V.F.W.,
speaking on behalf of the Patman Bonus Bill. He lost no opportunity to warn
veterans also against those bigbusiness interests who favored war and fascism.
His convictions were strengthened by a new book based on the Nye munitions
investigation, The Road to War, by Walter Millis.

He wrote a small antiwar book of his own that year, based on an earlier
magazine article in which he favored a foreign policy of strict neutrality. In
War Is a Racket he advocated an "ironclad defense a rat couldn't crawl
through," but only to defend the United States against attack. The job of the
armed forces, he insisted, was only to protect democracy at home-not waste
lives on foreign soil to protect American investments overseas:

[War] is conducted for the benefit of the very few at the expense of the
masses. Out of war a few people make huge fortunes.... How many of these war
millionaires shouldered a rifle? . Newly acquired territory promptly is
exploited by the . self-same few who wring dollars out of blood in the war.
The general public shoulders the bill. . . . Newly placed gravestones. Mangled
bodies. Shattered minds. Broken hearts and homes. Economic instability.
Depression and all its attendant miseries. Back-breaking taxation for
generations and generations.

For a great many years, as a soldier, I bad a suspicion that war was a racket;
not until I retired to civil life did I fully realize it. Now that I see the
international war clouds again gathering, as they are today, I must face it
and speak out....

There are 40,000,000 men under arms in the world today, and our statesmen and
diplomats have the temerity to say that war is not in the making. Hells bells!
Are these 40,000,000 men being trained to be dancers? . . . [Mussolini is]
ready for war.... [Hitler] is an equal if not greater menace to peace.... The
mad dogs of Europe are on the loose....

Yes, they [munitions makers, bankers, ship-builders, manufacturers, meat
packers, speculators] are getting ready for another war. Why shouldn't they?
It pays high dividends. But what does it profit the masses . . . who are
killed? [American boys in past wars] were made to . . . regard murder as the
order of the day.... We used them a couple of years and trained them to think
nothing at all of killing or being killed. Then suddenly, we discharged them
and told them to do their 'own readjusting.... Many, too many, of these fine
young boys were eventually destroyed mentally....

The soldiers couldn't bargain for their labor.... By developing the ... medal
business, the government learned it could get soldiers for less money. . . .
We gave them the large salary of $30 a month!

All they bad to do for that munificent sum was to leave their dear ones
behind, give up their jobs, be in swampy trenches, eat canned willy [when they
could get it], and kill and kill and kill ... and be killed....

But there is a way to stop it. You can't end it by disarmament conferences ...
by resolutions. It can be smashed effectively only by taking the profit out of

The only way to smash this racket is to conscript capital and industry and
labor before the nation's manhood can be conscripted. . . .

Let the officers and directors and the high-powered executives of our armament
factories and our steel companies and our munitions makers and our ship-
builders and our airplane builders . . . as well as the bankers and the
speculators, be conscripted--to get $30 a month, the same wage as the lads in
the trenches get.

Let the workers in these plants get the same wages . . . yes, and all generals
and all admirals and all officers and all politicians. . . . Why shouldn't
they? They aren't running any risk of being killed or having their bodies
mangled or their minds shattered....

Give capital and industry and labor thirty days to think it over and you will
find, by that time, there will be no war. That will smash the war racket-that
and nothing else.

Industrialists and financiers were shocked by Butler's "radical" notion. But
if they had checked the Oxford Dictionary, they would have found as one
definition of conscription: "taxation or confiscation of property for war
purposes to impose equality of sacrifice on non-conscripts."

Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Roads End

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