-Caveat Lector-

: Subject: Ever-Present Yet Nonexistent Poor
: Date: Thursday, April 01, 1999 5:22 PM
:
: From  http://www.fair.org/extra/9901/rector.html
:
: Extra!
:
: January/February 1999
:
: The Ever-Present Yet Nonexistent Poor
:
: For Heritage's poverty expert, numbers mean what he says they mean
:
: By Seth Ackerman
:
: As a poverty specialist for the conservative Heritage Foundation, Robert
: Rector is one of the right-wing media machine's most prolific pundits. In
: 1996, the year of the welfare reform debate, he was cited in media
outlets
: an average of more than 15 times a month (Nexis). Rector also feeds a
vast
: network of right-wing talkshow hosts and syndicated columnists who pick
up
: and broadcast his findings. Yet for all his influence, Rector's work is a
: mess of misleading statistics and specious arguments all contrived to
: accomplish a single goal: to cut spending on the poor.
:
: In 1995, Rector testified before Congress that "since the onset of the
War
: on Poverty, the U.S. has spent over $5.3 trillion on welfare. But during
: the same period, the official poverty rate has remained virtually
: unchanged." Rector's figure--which he soon updated to $5.4 trillion--is
: grossly misleading: It includes huge amounts of spending not directed
: towards families on welfare.
:
: The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities calculated that approximately
70
: percent of the federal spending that Rector classified as "welfare" went
to
: households that did not receive Aid to Families With Dependent Children,
: the core welfare program in recent decades. Instead, most of the money
went
: to non-AFDC households with elderly, disabled or "medically needy"
: individuals, as well as students and low-income workers--not groups most
: people would associate with "welfare."
:
: Even if Rector's $5.4 trillion figure were accurate, it would need to be
: put in perspective. Spending on "national defense" since 1964 overshadows
: even Rector's inflated "welfare" number, exceeding $8 trillion at the
time
: of Rector's testimony--and that figure does not include spending on
: intelligence, foreign military aid and other military-related items.
:
: Despite its flimsiness, Rector's charge echoed through the media. The Los
: Angeles Times published a column by Rector (7/11/95) making the $5.4
: trillion claim. He repeated the figure on a PBS NewsHour panel
(12/26/95).
: Tony Snow picked it up in a column in USA Today (9/25/95) and Linda
Bowles
: published it in a Chicago Tribune column (7/31/96). Syndicated columnist
: Walter Williams then placed it in the Cincinnati Enquirer (11/26/95) and
: Dallas Morning News (12/9/95), among other papers. The figure reappeared
in
: the Arizona Republic this year in a news article about welfare fraud
: (4/19/98).
:
: Erasing Hunger
:
: Despite his 1995 claim before Congress that 30 years of welfare spending
: had not reduced poverty, Rector has at the same time argued for years
that
: poverty has fallen so steeply since the War on Poverty that virtually no
: one in America today is really poor (see Footnote*). This argument was
: enunciated by Rector in a 1990 Heritage Foundation "Backgrounder" titled
: "How 'Poor' Are America's Poor?" and Rector has updated the paper several
: times since then--always around the September release of the Census
: Bureau's annual poverty report. Rector's report is given a different name
: each time it's released--this year's version was called "The Myth of
: Widespread American Poverty"--but the content is virtually identical from
: one year to the next.
:
: Rector writes in the 1998 report that "despite frequent charges of
: widespread hunger in the United States, 84 percent of the poor report
their
: families have 'enough' food to eat; 13 percent state they 'sometimes' do
: not have enough to eat, and 3 percent say they 'often' do not have enough
: to eat." But his figures are taken from the "food sufficiency" portion of
: the 1988-1991 Health and Nutrition Examination Survey conducted by the
: Department of Health and Human Services, which is considered by many
: researchers to be an inadequate measure of hunger. He fails to mention in
: his report the authoritative 1995 Food Security Survey, performed by the
: Census Bureau on behalf of the USDA, which was designed to improve upon
the
: old "food sufficiency" measure.
:
: The Census study found that in addition to the 14 percent of poor
: individuals found to be hungry that year, another 25 percent of the poor
: were classified as "food insecure." That means those households had a
: "limited or uncertain availability of nutritionally adequate and safe
foods
: or limited or uncertain ability to acquire acceptable foods in socially
: acceptable ways." For example, 81 percent of respondents in households
: classified as "food insecure" said that sometimes in the past 12 months
the
: food that they bought "just didn't last" and they "didn't have money to
get
: more." 63 percent said they could sometimes provide "only a few kinds of
: low-cost food to feed the children" because they "were running out of
money
: to buy food."
:
: Nationwide, 13.8 percent of Americans, poor and non-poor, were either
: hungry or food insecure--a number identical to the 13.8 percent poverty
: rate that year. In other words, while it is true that not every person
: counted as officially poor lacked food, for every officially poor person
: who didn't lack food, another (officially "non-poor") person did.
:
: Curiously, despite his omission of the Census Bureau's more recent
: findings, Rector was not unaware of them; he refers to the Census
Bureau's
: study in a footnote. One can only wonder how Rector happened to come
across
: the newer report while leaving out its salient findings.
:
: The Wealthy Poor
:
: Rector makes much of the fact that many poor people own cars. "Seventy
: percent of 'poor' households own a car; 27 percent own two or more cars."
: But Rector does not stop to consider that many of these households might
: need cars to get to their jobs. In fact, the 69.7 percent of poor
: households that Rector reports as having one or more cars in 1995 roughly
: mirrors the 61.4 percent of poor households with one or more workers in
: that year.
:
: Rector has claimed that "poor Americans live in larger houses or
: apartments" than "the general population in Western Europe." Presumably
as
: evidence of this assertion, he included in this year's report a chart
: titled "International Comparison of Living Space." However, what the
chart
: actually compares is the average floor space per person in certain
European
: cities, such as Paris and Athens, with the average floor space in all
poor
: U.S. households--22 percent of whom live in rural areas and 33 percent of
: whom live in suburbs. (Even with such an egregious bias, his numbers are
: underwhelming: The mostly rural and suburban homes of the U.S. poor are
: only about one-fourth larger than the average home in notoriously crowded
: Paris.)
:
: The intent of Rector's dubious number-crunching was to make his point
that
: "there is a huge gap between the 'poor' as defined by the Census Bureau
and
: what most ordinary Americans consider to be poverty." He was more right
: than he knew. That same year, the National Opinion Research Center
: conducted a poll of "ordinary Americans" asking the question: "What
amount
: of weekly income would you use as a poverty line for a family of four
: (husband, wife and two children) in this community?" The official poverty
: line for such a family that year was $14,654 a year, or $282 weekly.
: Sixty-four percent of respondents suggested a figure greater than $282.
:
: The following year, the Center for the Study of Policy Attitudes
conducted
: a poll in which respondents were told the current poverty line and asked
: whether they thought the line should be "set higher, set lower, or kept
: about the same." Fifty-eight percent said the poverty line should be
higher
: and 32 percent said it should be kept about the same. Only 7 percent said
: it should be lower. The respondents who thought the poverty line should
be
: changed suggested an average level of $19,400--more than $4,600 higher
than
: the actual level that year. (Given the percentage of "non-poor" people
who
: have trouble buying enough food, this seems like a more realistic
: standard.)
:
: All these flaws did not keep Rector's poverty "research" from being taken
: seriously by various media outlets--not just by Rush Limbaugh (9/25/98).
: His most recent paper prompted a news article in the Atlanta Journal &
: Constitution (9/25/98) and columns in such papers as the Kansas City Star
: (9/26/98), Christian Science Monitor (10/7/98) and Chicago Tribune
: (11/25/98).
:
: [FOOTNOTE:] * Rector tries to reconcile these arguments by cautioning
that
: "higher material living standards should not be regarded as a victory for
: the War on Poverty. Living conditions were improving dramatically and
: poverty was dropping sharply long before the War on Poverty began." But
if
: these "dramatically" improved living conditions did not come from
: government programs, where had they come from? Certainly not from an
: improved job market; in January 1995, when Rector presented his testimony
: to Congress, jobs were neither better-paying nor more plentiful than they
: had been two decades earlier. The unemployment rate was a half-point
higher
: than in 1973 and real hourly wages for the bottom tenth of workers were
12
: percent lower.
: ------------------------------------------------------------------------
:
:
: Think Tank Monitor is a joint project of FAIR and the Institute for
Public
: Accuracy.
:
:
: ~~~~~~~~~~~~
: A<>E<>R
:
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