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--- Begin Message --- -Caveat Lector- Linda Minor wrote:
The question presented by Epstein below is who financed Edwin Wilson between his being fired by the CIA in 1971 and his receiving money from Libya operations in 1976?  It appears to have been Navy Intelligence (ONI) under Task Force 157.  What I find interesting here is that Bobby Ray Inman was head of ONI at the time,
Navy made the Watergate Tapes. Much later, when Oliver
North was on the NSC his "communicators" were Marines.
When was Wilson's blackmail scandal? I believe I have at
least three personal experiences of Wilson working with
ONI on sandboxing and blackmail involving sex and
drugs in the 1970's.

Frank Terpil told author Jim Hougan that Ed Wilson was
doing sexual blackmail for CIA using Ton Sun Park and
his Georgetown Club in the "Watergate era". That would
bring Singlaub's KCIA money into it, which might just
be Wilson, Shackley and Singlaub's Laos heroin funds
laundered.

-Bob
and after snubbing Clinton's offer to be head of CIA, returned to Austin, Texas to engage in computer business, as well as to be a director of Arthur Temple's banking company Temple-Inland, which dated back to the heady days of East Texas timber barons and railroad tycoons.  Wonder who convinced Arthur Temple to finance the campaign of his employee Charlie Wilson to run for Congress and be so fortunate as to land on the appropriations committee right out of the chute and start pumping out our tax dollars to fund the Afghan rebels war against USSR, and in the process prepare for a war on the same "terrorists" we created?
 
 
 

Goulden, Joseph C. The Death Merchant: The Rise and Fall of Edwin P. Wilson. New York: Bantam Books, 1985. 438 pages.

This book details the activities of Edwin Wilson, from a CIA contract agent to an arms dealer and terrorist for Libya. While working for the CIA Wilson became an expert at creating and organizing CIA front companies, most of which were engaged in the transport of weapons by cargo ships. Wilson was fired by the CIA in 1971 and began working for the U.S. Navy's secret Task Force 157, but was fired in 1976 after Bobby Inman pulled the plug on his budget.

Next the ever-resourceful Wilson used his contacts to begin sales of arms and C-4 plastique to Libya. His services to Libya later involved a more direct approach to terrorism when he attempted to have a Libyan dissident assassinated. Wilson was finally imprisoned for his activities, but argued at his trial that he was still working for the CIA while engaged in arms smuggling. (This "CIA defense" was later used by contra supporters and drug smugglers who felt that their services entitled them to a "get out of jail free card.") Also featured in this book is ex-CIA officer Frank Terpil who worked with Wilson in Libya. Terpil, a well known confidant with Middle East terrorists, had also worked for the infamous Idi Amin of Uganda.

In 1970, the United States Navy created Navy Task Force 157 (TF-157), a super-secret intelligence unit. Housed in Alexandra, Virginia, with a $5 million dollar budget, TF-157 was hidden behind ten cover companies. Initially, the unit was comprised of seventy-five operators, posted around the world. TF-157's mission was to keep tabs on Soviet shipping and naval capabilities. They used spy ships, pleasure yachts crammed with electronics gear, to watch over sensitive points such as the Strait of Gibraltar and the Panama Canal.
Other missions of TF-157 included assessing Soviet armaments for the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), it helped to recover downed US and Soviet aircraft, or sunken ships, and it also reported that the Soviet Union shipped nuclear weapons to Egypt during the 1973 Arab-Israeli War. Task Force 157 provided secure communications for National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger when he made his first visit to China.

Although the unit provided exceptional results, due to its ability to acquire materials and personnel outside normal military channels, TF-157 went overboard with their spending. TF-157 was finished, when one of its contract employees, Edwin Wilson, got on the bad side of the unit commander, Donald Nielsen. Nielsen resented the fact that Wilson's interests seemed personal, rather than intelligence, and Wilson thought Nielsen would cancel the contract. Wilson then went to Admiral Bobby Ray Inman, the head of naval intelligence, and offered to create a new intelligence unit that he would command, and which would take over TF-157's responsibilities. Inman, who already disliked TF-157, got angry when he heard Wilson's proposal and dissolved TF-157, declaring that it was out of control. This similar episode would be repeated in many of the other covert intelligence units.

http://www.umsl.edu/~skthoma/offline8.htm

If you're more interested in that bittersweet era of history, take a look at Secret Agenda (1984) by Jim Hougan, author of the excellent and definitive Spooks. In the introduction, Hougan writes that "'Watergate' then was not so much a partisan political scandal as it was, secretly, a sex scandal, the unpredictable outcome of a CIA operation that in the simplest of terms, tripped on its own shoelaces. There is more, much more, but the point is made: our recent history is a forgery, the by-product of secret agents acting in secret agendas of their own."

CIA operative Frank Sturgis, for example, is quoted in Hougan's book as saying that he "went to see Burt Lancaster in Scorpio. It's funny. The movie's about this CIA guy who's betrayed by the agency. Sorta like what happened to us, you know. I mean it doesn't take a genius to figure out that Watergate was a CIA setup. We were just pawns." (p. 219)

Also according to Hougan Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward, author of All the President's Men (1974), has a strong Old Boys Network background. He is the son of a Republican judge and a Yale graduate with a stint in the Navy as a liaison officer for the Task Force 157, an Office of Naval Intelligence operation. This ONI Task Force, using the top secret SR-1 channel, coordinated communiques between the CIA, NSA, DIA, NSC, and the State Department. Most likely Woodward continued his spooky work, while writing for the Washington Post, a cover which quite frankly would be hard to beat.

Woodward himself said that "Watergate was about covert activities [which] involve the whole US intelligence community and are incredible. Deep Throat [Woodward's informant] refused to give specifics because it is against the law. 'fhe cover-up has little to do with Watergate, but was mainly to protect the covert operation." (p. 371)

"Whose covert operations?" asks Hougan. "The CIA's? Task Force 157, the FBI joint Chiefs, NSA, DIA? These were not questions that the Post was willing to raise."

 

http://sleazereport.com/mt/blog/archives/001189.shtml

The CIA's Great Gatsby

PARADE
September 18, 1993

by Edward Jay Epstein

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Within a year, three witnesses in an investigation died. Rafael Villaverde. a Cuban refugee. disappeared at sea after his speedboat exploded off the coast of Florida; Kevin Mulcahy. an electronics expert. was found dead in an isolated motel in the Shenandoah Valley-apparently a victim of exposure; and Waldo Dubberstein, an archaeologist and expert on the Middle East, died of a shotgun blast to his head-a presumed suicide.

All three had worked for the CIA and, in the mid 1970s. became involved in mysterious conspiracies plotted by a former CIA agent named Edwin P. Wilson. A series of investigations by various federal agencies, begun in 1976 led to Wilson's indictment in 1980 and disclosed the following pieces of a murderous puzzle.

Villaverde, who had served the CIA as a saboteur in Cuba, was recruited by Wilson as a hired gun and promised a million dollars for an assassination in Egypt. Mulcahy, a CIA specialist in secret communications technology. was hired to supervise the smuggling of electronic and military equipment. Dubberstein, an ex-CIA man whose subsequent work for the Pentagon included compiling the daily military intelligence summary for the Secretary of Defense and the Joint Chiefs of Staff— a position that gave him access to the ultra secret Single Integrated Operational Plan (SIOP), the precise order of battle for nuclear war— was paid by Wilson to sell his country's secrets.

Assassin, smuggler and spy: Why had these men accepted such nefarious assignments?

The answer each gave was that he had been recruited by Wilson under the pretense that he was still a CIA executive. In the espionage world. misrepresenting one's side or organization in order to get an opponent to cooperate is called a "false flag- recruitment. When the recruit realizes he has been duped, he was too far compromised to easily withdraw his cooperation.

Wilson, who had been fired from the CIA in 1971, artfully used the false flag trick for eight years to penetrate deep inside the U.S. intelligence establishment. In addition to Villaverde, Mulcahy and Dubberstein, Wilson attracted to his false flag no fewer than three dozen intelligence and weapons specialists. including CIA officers on active duty. senior military officers and civilian weapons designers with top-secret clearances. Through these connections, he obtained secret CIA cables from the Far East, NSA computer procedures for detecting submarines and missile, assassination devices from CIA suppliers and exotic secret weapons from the Navy and CIA testing base at China Lake in California. Wilson also clandestinely exported to Libya all the components (including technicians and specially developed exploding plastics from the CIA) for anufacturing terrorist bombs disguised as ashtrays and other innocent looking objects. Even worse, the explosive in the ashtrays had distinctive characteristics and a 'signature' that could he traced back to, the CIA.

The damage Wilson has done to U.S. intelligence cannot be assessed merely in terms of stolen secrets and weapons technology. It runs to the very foundations of the CIA: its credibility. The directors of Central Intelligence share a common nightmare: the penetration of the U.S. intelligence system through the recruitment of its own agents by an enemy. Such moles burrowing from within and familiar with its sources. methods and vulnerabilities, would be in a position to compromise even the most carefully guarded state secrets. The defense against such a penetration is "quality control," a euphemism in the CIA that includes examining employees with lie detectors. investigating their associations and travel. auditing their finances and, if necessary, wiretapping and other surveillance.

Yet all these techniques of "quality control" failed to detect Wilson's recruitment of CIA personnel. At least two CIA officers on active duty moonlighted for Wilson (one of them used his CIA credentials to recruit an entire team of Green Berets for the Libyan dictator, Muammar Qaddafi). In addition. Wilson hired four part-time CIA contract employees and a dozen former CIA officers, many of whom still had CIA clearance and consulting status. Moreover, even after being fired from the CIA, Wilson maintained a close association with two of the agency's top executives-Thomas G. Clines, the director of training for the clandestine services, and Theodore G. Shackley, who held the No. 2 position in the espionage branch. Both of these men sat in on meetings that Wilson held with his operatives and weapon suppliers and, by doing so, helped further the illusion that his activities had the sanction of the CIA— an illusion crucial to keeping his false flag attractive.

Clines not only met with Wilson informally, but Wilson used his legal and office facilities to set up corporations for Clines' personal use, Clines had also been the control officer for one of the Cuban exiles whom Wilson recruited as an assassin. In reviewing the evidence in 1977, Adm. Stansfield Turner. then the new director of the Central Intelligence Agency, concluded that Clines had been working "in collaboration" with Wilson, and permitted him to resign quietly from the agency. Subsequently, Wilson secretly funneled $500,000 from a bank in Geneva into one of the shell corporations, money which Clines used to finance deals to ship US arms to Egypt. (Clines repaid money after Wilson's indictment in 1980.)

Shackley had known Wilson and Clines since the early 1960s, when they had all worked on preparations for the invasion of Cuba. He explained during an internal investigation by the CIA that he had not wanted to be a captive of the CIA system, that Wilson had served as an outside contact. Yet, according to federal prosecutors who examined the CIA's files on Wilson, Shackley had not filed reports of his contacts with Wilson and his associates, nor had he recommended that they be debriefed by the CIA's domestic contacts office— the usual channel for such intelligence. Further, Shackley had intervened on Wilson's behalf within the intelligence community on at least two occasions and ridiculed Kevin Mulcahy as an "irrational, paranoid, alcoholic and unreliable informant," after Mulcahy reported some of Wilson's illicit deals to the FBI and CIA in 1976. The CIA's investigation failed to overcome the defenses of this Old Boy network: Indeed, even after Mulcahy informed on Wilson, CIA officers continued working for Wilson. So much for the idea of quality control.

Wilson was anything but inconspicuous. To many, he was Washington's answer to the Great
Gatsby. His 2500-acre farm, bordering on the estate of Sen. John Warner and Elizabeth Taylor in the hunting country of Virginia, was the site of weekend barbecues that attracted senators, congressmen, admirals, generals, CIA officers and other high government officials. Wilson's three private planes were usually available to ferry VIPs wherever they wanted to go. He also had properties scattered around the world, an apartment in Geneva, a hunting lodge in England. a seaside villa in Libya and real estate in North Carolina, Lebanon and Mexico.

The cash seemed to flow as freely as the hospitality in Wilson's world. Paul Cyr, for example, who then worked for the Pentagon, came to the Wilson farm for turkey shoots and wound up accepting cash bribes for, among other things. allowing Wilson to plant bugs in the Army Materiel Command. (In 1982, Cyr pleaded guilty to accepting bribes from Wilson and agreed to cooperate with the federal prosecutors.) Another Wilson associate said he had seen cash distributed to a long list of congressmen and government officials, and that "whatever else you call it, blackmail was the name of the game." The same man maintained that Wilson had installed tape recorders in his Washington, D.C., office. in his limousines and at the farm, and added. "I assumed that almost everything said was recorded."

During these festive weekends. no one asked where or how Wilson got the money to play the Great Gatsby. But it certainly was not family money. Wilson came from an impoverished farm in Idaho and had to work as an attendant in a laundry room to put himself through college in Oregon. In 1952. he enlisted in the Marines, and in 1955, he joined the CIA as a S70-a-week security guard. For the next 16 years, he worked as an undercover agent. When he finally left the CIA in 1971, he was earning only $20,800 a year. From then until 1976, he went to work for a secret naval intelligence operation. called Task Force 157, for an equally modest salary. In an interview, Wilson explained that he had worked for the Navy for "patriotic reasons... not money." Yet, despite his meager salaries, Wilson amassed a fortune.

According to IRS data released in July 1983, Wilson made at least $21.8 million from servicing Libya alone, Libya funneled this huge sum of money into Wilson's account in return for special equipment and personnel that could be used to implicate the CIA in Qaddafi's assassination plots and other conspiracies.

In his defense, Wilson's attorneys argued that Wilson had in fact been working all along for the CIA. The U.S. Attorney E. Lawrence Barcella. however, tore this defense to shreds by showing that Wilson was unable to provide any details of his relations with the agency, not even the obligatory cryptonym of his operation or the name of his case officer. Facing a long prison sentence, Wilson had a powerful incentive to provide this information.

If Wilson had not been under the control of the CIA. as the prosecution proved, someone else was supplying the money for the bribes, blackmailing and technology transfer. Libya had become involved in 1976. What it got from Wilson was assassins and explosive devices that could be traced to the CIA. This connection allowed Libya to conduct covert assassinations for which the CIA would be falsely blamed. But Wilson had also received large amounts of money prior to the Libyan liaison in 1976, including money used to compromise Dubberstein and other high level intelligence sources. Had he, wittingly or unwittingly, he been working for another foreign intelligence services with an interest in penetrating the CIA?

http://www.apc.maxwell.af.mil/text/excur/flex2.htm

General Curtis E. LeMay’s Single Integrated Operations Plan, or SIOP, became the Air Force’s highest priority mission. In accommodation of Kennedy’s Flexible Response policy, the SIOP employed a counterforce strategy of targeting Soviet military systems and installations as opposed to urban areas. Unfortunately, the SIOP did not represent a strategic air campaign. Quite simply, the SIOP was a targeting plan for nuclear war that provided for a timed release of nuclear weapons over enemy territory. A true air campaign would have employed operational art and integrated the application of all forms of airpower against the enemy. Air Force doctrine’s emphasis on the upper end of the spectrum of conflict left a significant doctrinal void on the other end of the spectrum ranging from unconventional warfare to conventional warfare. This doctrinal shortfall would have a marked impact on how the Air Force would respond to crises in the coming years.



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www.ctrl.org DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis- directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

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