-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
The Strange Death of FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
A History of the Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty America's Royal Family
Emanuael M. Josephson©1948
CHEDNEY PRESS
127 East 69th Street
New York 21, N. Y.
--[7]--
CHAPTER VII
BLUEPRINT OF THE NEW DEAL
HOFFMAN NICKERSON'S "THE AMERICAN RICH"
Monopoly of every necessity of life and of national existence, and
absolute dictatorship are the basic doctriness[sic] of the Rockefeller
Empire. For this purpose the Rockefeller "philanthropies" have fostered
Marxism as the shortest cut to dictatorship in a Democracy. The world-wide
chain of dictatorships which they seek would not be complete without an
American dictator-ship. In this idea of an American dictatorship, the
Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty fully concurs. It was quite natural that an alliance
should be formed between them.
So complete is the contempt of America's rulers for the moronic level of
intelligence of its people that they sponsored the open publication of their
program in the form of Hoffman Nickerson's book "The American Rich". It was
published by Doubleday Doran & Company at the time that Theodore Roosevelt
Jr. was its president. It was a blueprint of the New Deal subse. quently
adopted in the Roosevelt regime, published in 1930, three years before it was
launched. Hoffman Nickerson was the prophet of the Empire and Dynasty whose
counsel and blueprint was followed closely.
The schemers of the New Deal left nothing to chance but prepared the
flim-flam the nation well in advance, in this matter, as well as in others.
Thus the Agricultural Allotment Plan was drawn up in 1932 by a Hindu,
Svirinas Wagel, Barney Baruch's Hentz & Company's economist, to appear to be
a boon to the far. mers,—whereas it was a made-to-order godsend for the
speculators in commodities and designed to make their gambles "sure things".
The theme of "The American Rich" is a familiar one:
Democracy, the "Cult of Equality", is, always has been, and always will be a
failure, it relates. It must be eliminated under the pretense of improving
it. The objective to be sought and attained by finesse, is Medieval feudalism
and serfdom — a masterful upper class dominating, the rest of the population
reduced to slavery. And at the head there must be a king. That is the form of
government the United States must have if it is to have a perfect government.
It is to the interest of the group that can be called perpetually rich,
because they can always dip their hands into the pockets of the people
through the Treasury, to see to it that the United States attains a perfect,
feudal monarchic government. To accomplish this the rich must organize
amongst themselves to fight a common cause and pick their agent, who will be
made to appear to desert and betray his class. They must then undertake by
sly undercover methods to "divide to rule". The people must be dealt with not
as Americans, but as minorities set at each other's throats, Labor vs
Capital, Black vs White, Catholic vs Protes. tant, Christian vs Jew, for
example. Then the selected agent must. be made to appear the champion of all
causes, the indispensable composer of differences, while from behind the
scenes he must never cease to foment.
This agent then can assume readily the role of popu. lar leader and be
elected President. Once in office, everything must be done to keep him there
by repeated reelections. The government must be converted into a huge
propaganda agency and perverter of popular thought. He must cater to the mob.
But all. the while he must discredit and break down the checks on monarchic
power of the President incorporated in the Constitution-the Supreme Court and
Congress. But in the process he must be made to appear to seek an improvement
on democracy. The gullible, moronic public must never suspect that he seeks
to wipe out democracy—"The absurd Cult of Equality".
Once elected, the President must be continually reelected. The opposing
candidate must merely be a straw man selected by the same group, to be
knocked down and defeated. The people must be deceived into believing that
they are exercising the democratic right to vote, while they have been robbed
of the right of choice, i. e. the right to vote, by restriction of
nominations; by the same group, to men subservient to them. When the
President will have been reelected often enough, he will have had an
opportunity to appoint to the Supreme Court all the justices, who will do his
bidding. The Supreme Court, packed thus or otherwise, will have ceased to be
a check on the monarchic power of the President, as required by the
Constitution. Instead it will have become a prostituted agency serving the
President and the invisible powers behind him.
The problem of eliminating the power of Congress, of effecting "the twilight
of legislature", Nickerson points out, is a bit more complicated but it must
be done.
" . . . they (legislatures) must be abolished or their bases and functions
changed" (p. 259).
"The first step toward complete monarchical (Presidential) initiative is the
executive budget plan now prevailing in the Federal government and in
thirty-four of the forty-eight states. Even the logical second step of
limiting the constitutional powers of the legislative bodies has been taken
in seven of the thirty-four, Maryland, West Virgi. nia, New York,
Massachusetts, California Nebraska and Wisconsin. THE RICH THEREFORE MIGHT DO
WELL TO HELP FORWARD SUCH A DEVELOPMENT". (p. 261).
Nickerson goes on to suggest:
"The resistance of legislature to the pruning of their sovereignty could
easily be broken down by the imperative mandate. Candidates for legislative
office might be compelled to swear that if elected they would support
measures curtailing parliamentary and increasing monarchical initiative. In
this way the executive budget laws could be made more and more drastic". (p.
293). In practice, Nickerson's suggestion was adopted effectively by
abdication by New Deal legislature. It was materially aided by the practices
of Congress. Thus the gag rule limiting Congressmen's speeches on the floor
of the House to one minute and barring publication of "extensions of remarks"
in the Congressional Record unless unanimous consent is obtained, has served
to muzzle the people's, elected representatives.
Nickerson's blueprint was materially improved on by the New Deal practice of
grafting on to it the Rockefeller-sponsored Communist program for attaining
their goal by pseudo-philanthropy and by a mechanism that was so well
expressed by their agent, Harry Hopkins:
"Tax! Tax!! Tax!!!
Spend! Spend!! Spend! !!!
Elect! Elect!! Elect!!!"
Under the New Deal the budgets presented by Roosevelt to Congress were so
huge that no member of Congress dared add to them; so voluminous and complex
that Congress did not have the time to consider them; and so fraught with
self-interest for special groups and with "Pork barrel" that few Congressmen
cared to attack them for fear of losing their "cut". Congress abdicated its
constitutional power of initiating budge. tary legislation year after year,
until, as the advocates of the plan expected, it has become the accepted
practice that the budget bill shall be initiated by the President.
When that goal has been attained, Nickerson's blueprint then proceeds to the
next step that reduces Congress to a mere advisory or consulting body, that
is compatible with a feudal monarchy. He writes:
"When financial initiative had thus been fully secured to the monarch, the
same principle might be extended to all legislation. The monarch is al. ready
charged with the duty of presenting at the opening of each legislative
session a message as to legislative changes he thinks desirable.
Constitutional amendments might enlarge this traditional function so as to
make it his duty to draw up a formal 'budget' of legislation, and might
compel the legislature to say Aye or Nay to each item of this program before
embarking on any new proposals of its own. In normal cases public opinon[sic]
could then be counted upon to compel the legislature to adjourn and leave the
community in peace until the beginning of the next session. There would
remain the right of the legislative body to discuss public affairs, (ed.
'debating society) to criticize the elective monarch, and to veto such new
departure of his as they might think unwise". (pp. 293-294).
This phase of the plan has been materially improved upon in New Deal practice
even though it has not ar. rived at the point where they dare propose a
Constitutional amendment to rob Congress of all right to legislate, and leave
them merely the power of talk and veto. During Roosevelt's regime the
conspirators used the "national emergency' device to prevent Con. gress from
enacting any legislation introduced by individual Congressmen. The device was
very simple and completely effective. Repeated situations were engineered by
the conspirators that were declared "national emergencies". Manipulation of
national finance and the money system enabled the engineerng[sic] and
continuance of the depression. Disrupting the commerce and industry of the
nation with an N. R. A. or an 0. P. A. served to disrupt production and
stimulate inflation. The very measures that were presented to fight inflation
were designed to stimulate it for the purpose of creating a "national
emergency". Robbing workers of the right to work implicit in the
Constitution, and farming it out to their agents, so-called "labor-leaders",
in return for a share of tribute levied by them for the privilege of working,
provided not only a source of revenue but also a dictatorial control of the
rank and file of the nation. It permitted creating "national emergencies" at
will by blackmailing industry and by strikes. And when all else failed the
conspirators deliberately precipitated a real but tragic national emergency,
Pearl Harbor and World War II to further their commercial and political
schemes.
All of these deliberately engineered "national emergencies" were used as the
means of dragooning Congress into accepting the dictates of the conspirators.
They utilized the too familiar device of innumerable messages to Congress on
the state of the nation. The Constitutioun calls on the President to send to
Congress at the time it convenes a message on the state of the nation. It was
in no wise intended as a dictatorial device to force the will of the
Executive on Congress. It was intended to be, and had been, an informative
device.
The New Deal with its tremendous propaganda ma. chine that was built up in
the executive branch of the government with public funds for perverting and
manipulating public opinion, used these messages as a de. vice to force
Congress into submission, abdication, and renunciation of the role assigned
it by the Constitution. The function of initiating any legislation was thus
fraudulently usurped by the President, in complete violation of the
Constitution. There is no need for the renunciatory amendment to the
Constitution demanded by Nickerson's blueprint. For this flaunting of the
Constitution has become accepted practice in the conspiracy to destroy
democracy and establish an open American monarchy.
With regard to the form that will be given American monarchy, whether
elective or hereditary, Nickerson advised caution:
"Changes like the executive budget deriving most of their force from moral
sources rather than from statute law, may creep in gradually . . . But even
to give the President a longer term or to disregard the very strong tradition
handed down from Washington himself against a third term for any indivi. dual
President would be a sharp and noticeable change not to be masked by any form
of words. Hence, though most elective monarchies of the past have been for
life, all such questions must he left to the future".
Nickerson obviously reckoned not on the effectiveness of the General
Education Fund and the Rockefeller Foundation in their control of education,
of the press, radio, films, the government propaganda machine and every,
other avenue of exchange of information, in perverting and warping the minds
of a nation. He reckoned without the savoir faire of the RockefellerStandard
Oil regime, and the experience of its ally, the Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty. So
thoroughly had their task been performed that a little over a decade after
Nickerson wrote, the third and fourth Presidential terms and the numerous
other violations of the letter and spirit of the Constitution, that he could
not conceive as being accepted by the nation, were accomplished facts.
Nickerson points out a technique whereby the people could be painlessly
robbed of their franchise, by which "all pretense of an election dependent on
popular will would have vanished". (p. 295). It is a technique with which the
Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty have had extensive experience-the third party
movement. The idea is to split the electoral vote so that no candidate gets a
majority, thus throwing the election into the lap of Congress.
It is significant that the salary of Henry Wallace as editor of the New
Republic was reported to be $75, ON a year. The New Republic has not made
that many pennies profit in its entire existence. It has been subsidized by
Anglophile Willard Straight of J. P. Morgan & Company and his son, Michael
Straight. Undenied reports state that Henry Wallace's salary, travelling and
campaign expenses are being paid by Michael Straight, Jock Whitney and Nelson
Rockefeller.
After pointing out the great strength of the case for hereditary monarchy,
Nickerson concludes:
"Come what may, monarchy in its elective form is firmly established as the
chief American organ of government. It is the instrument through which, when
the time is ripe, we may hope for a solution of our problems, for 'an
honorable but separ-ate status for the negro and jew, permitting us to
utilize their distinctive gifts while preserving us from too much racial
contact with the first and from the alien soul of the second . . . " (p. 302).
He points, in support of the first idea, to the proposal of the Town Board of
Sudbury, Massachusetts In 1927, that Coolidge be made President for life; and
to the fact that the Presidency "within a few generations has been clothed
with awe and reverence which shone on the kings of old". His judgment has
been fully confirmed by the obeisance and veneration of Franklin Delano
Roosevelt, engendered by adroit propaganda in a large section of the populace.
"Already" he writes, "we are not far from 'divine Caesar . . . . .. Indeed.
no. Sadly enough, we are far beyond it.
As for his concept on alien minorities, Nickerson's, ideas have been closely
followed by the conspirators. They are being "utilized" or used to attain a
destruction of democracy and the establishment of the American monarchy. They
are being put in the forefront, in the firing line to take all the blame and
punishment. But in a properly regulated feudal monarchy, there is no room for
any minority. Their elimination is planned when the goal of feudalism has
been attained.
There is an amusing phase to Hoffman Nickersons "omniscient" prattling. He
holds the "jews" in such abysmal contempt that he will not even capitalize
their name; and he regards as one of the functions of his program, the
elimination of the Jews. But he supports much of his blueprint, and justifies
other sections with the Federalist writings of "the great Alexander Hamilton"
(p. 246) whom he acclaims as the outstanding American patriot and the
greatest mind among the founders of our country.
If he is as wise, well-informed and omniscient as he poses, he would know
that his hero Alexander Hamilton was born Levine, the son of a Danish Jewish
West Indies planter John Michael Levine who, in turn, was the son of a Jewish
father and a mulatto mother. Alexander's mother Rachael was unfaithful and
left his father to live with James Hamilton. When her hus. band divorced her,
she was forbidden to remarry but continued to live with Hamilton and changed
her son's name from Levine to Hamilton. ("Money Changers", Gertrude M.
Coogan, Sound Money Press, 1935, p. 188).
Posthumously his descendants undertook to attribute fatherhood to James
Hamilton. They preferred to stig. matize their ancestor as a bastard, to
acknowledging his Jewish and Negro ancestry. The absurdity of the effort is
attested to by the fact that they place Alexander in charge of one of the
largest mercantile businesses of St. Croix at the age of twelve years.
Precocity they call it! But they place the date of his birth two years before
that of his mother's divorce in 1759, and within a few months after her
marriage to Levine.
pps 86-94
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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