-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
The Strange Death of FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
A History of the Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty America's Royal Family
Emanuael M. Josephson�1948
CHEDNEY PRESS
127 East 69th Street
New York 21, N. Y.
--[14]--
CHAPTER XIV
HEARST, DUPONT AND ROCKEFELLER ELECT F. D. R.
It is questionable whether in all history a nation has been more completely
flim-flammed than in the matter of the supporters and objectives of President
Franklin Delano Roosevelt. By the crudest type of deception, that depends for
its effectiveness solely upon the uncritical gullibility, the defective
memory and pathetic dullness of the average citizen, the public have been led
to believe that Roosevelt was an enemy of the very people whose creature he
was, who financed his campaigns and controlled him in office. Some of the
ablest perverters of public 0pinion, otherwise known as publicity men, headed
by Louis Howe and Charles Michelson engineered this deception.
The public have been led to believe that William Randolph Hearst, the Du
Ponts and the Rockefellers were F. D. R.'s worst enemies. But it was they who
aided the Dynasty and made him President to serve their purposes and do their
bidding. Some of the facts can be gained from an examination of campaign
contributions. Contributions to clean up 'the debt of the Democratic National
Committee including $345,250 owed to John Raskob, a Du Pont associate were:
$39,500 by Pierre S. Du Pont in 1931 and 1932; $125,000 by Raskob in 1932.
To F. D. R.'s 1932 election campaign there was contributed by: William
Randolph Hearst, $30,000; Edward S. Harkness, of Standard Oil Company,
$12,000; John J. Raskob, $23,000; Bernard M. Baruch, of the
Ryan-Rockefeller-Morgan group, $45,000; Francis P. Garvan, representing the
Brady interests, $15,000; and indirectly the Association Against the
Prohibition Amendment supported Roosevelt with sums up to S100,000
contributed by Lammot Du Pont; Pierre S. Du Pont, Vincent Astor and William
H. Woodin, $35,000 each; Cyrus and Harold F. McCormick contributed $5,000 and
Eleanor Patterson, $2,000.
William Randolph Hearst's motive in supporting Roosevelt was a matter of
urgent personal necessity. Hearst had repeatedly earned the enmity of
Rockefeller. In the late 1920's Hearst and Brisbane had expanded their real
estate holdings tremendously, financing them through S. W. Straus and Company
which they are reputed to have controlled. When the American Bank and
Mortgage Company, a competing real estate mortgage house affiliated with the
RockefellerMorgan interests, collapsed directly after the 1929 panic, Hearst
and Brisbane saw an opportunity to boost S. W. Straus and Company and their
bonds. They ran a running campaign which on one day demanded criminal
prosecution of the crude frauds perpetrated by the American Bond and Mortgage
Company, and on the following day called on the public to buy, as the safest
type of investment, S. W. Straus and Company bonds. "Never A Loss In Fifty
Years" was the slogan of the Straus Company that they hammered away in their
columns.
Intensive publicity of the type that Hearst and Brisbane hurled against the
American Bond and Mortgage crowd easily might have led to criminal
prosecution. To avert that eventuality, the interests involved had to do
something to smash Hearst and Brisbane. The readiest way to accomplish the
destruction, in view of their extended and highly mortgaged realty holdings,
was to smash the real estate market throughout the country. And the quickest
way was to force foreclosure of the highest quality real estate, business
property in New York City. That was an important function of the Rockefeller
Center.
Rockefeller's Radio City differs in its legal status from any real estate in
the country. By Bill No. 296, the 72nd Congress, rushed through in the last
hour of the session by Rockefeller's principal agent in Congress, Senator
Robert F. Wagner, Rockefeller Center was made a free-port, the only free-port
in the United States. This means that merchants on the west side of Fifth
Avenue and Fiftieth Street, in Rockefeller Center, could import merchandise
from abroad and display it for sale without paying duty.
This law implies discrimination against every other port in the country,
which is prohibited by the Constitution. It also implies discrimination
against all other property holders. For it enabled Rockefeller Center to lure
tenants from other buildings with the inducement that it would require less
capital to engage in the import business because the property was a freeport.
To make matters worse, the ground on which the Center is built is tax-exempt
because it belongs to Columbia University, and its rentals can be corres.
pondingly lower.
The vacancies resulting from the wholesale exodus of tenants into Radio City
from other properties in New York City was equivalent in its effect to "short
selling" real estate, and it sharply depressed the property values in New
York City. Interested parties were able to grab up property thus depreciated
at bankrupt prices. The tactics employed in this process were the basis of at
least one lawsuit against the Rockefeller interests that has come to public
attention, brought by August Heckscher. Its disposition has been kept secret.
This sharp and highly lucrative business deal has been represented to the
public as a philanthropic enterprise to combat depression by the Rockefeller
publicity men.
The terrific smash in real estate values thus stimulated, drove S. W. Straus
and Company into bankruptcy and spread ruin among its mortgage bond. holders
including numerous widows and orphans. But Hearst and Brisbane were wiped out
at the same time. The Hearst publications and the Hearst properties were
taken over by the Rockefellers through their Chase National Bank.
In the meantime Rockefeller's money had put Dewey in the District Attorney's
office in New York. Dewey was put to work on an investigation of the white
slave and numbers rackets, which were backed by identical financial
interests, in order to fill the headlines of the newspapers and divert public
attention from the quiet dismissal of the American Bond and Mortgage fraud
cases in Brooklyn. The service thus rendered marked this scion of the Dynasty
for advancement to the top.
The only possibility open to Hearst of rescuing his cherished estates, San
Simeon and Wynkoop, lay in a revaluation of gold. Hearst, through his
ownership of a controlling block of stock in Homestake Mining Company as well
as investments in other gold mining property, is one of the largest, or
perhaps the largest, individual gold producer in the world. If he could in.
crease the earnings of these companies, Hearst would be able to salvage his
estates. That required a revaluation, a rise in the Treasury price, of gold.
For the purpose of obtaining a revaluation of gold; ,Hearst made a deal with
Ex-Senator William Gibbs McAdoo, Wilson's son-in-law, who had control of the
California delegates to the 1932 Chicago Democratic Convention, with John
Nance Garner of the Texas del. egation, and with Mayor Anton Cermak of the
Illinois delegation, thus insuring control of the Convention. McAdoo or
Garner, who agreed to a revaluation of gold, were to be the. candidates. But
neither of them could get enough votes to capture the presidential nomination.
Hearst would not release the delegation except to ,a candidate who would
agree to revalue gold. Roosevelt agreed to do so as the first act of his
Administration as well as to take Garner as a running mate. Hearst made
Roosevelt President by releasing the three delegations to him, even though he
did not particularly trust him. Had Roosevelt been assassinated at Miami,
Hearst's original choice of President would have prevailed.
However systematically F. D. R. violated his promise to the nation's voters,
he rarely was permitted by the Dynasty to fail to live up to the letter of
his pledges to his financial backers and bosses. He revalued gold as the
first act of his Administration, after closing the banks.
Aside from Hearst and his financial predicament, the revaluation of gold was
entirely uncalled for. Under the circumstances of the depression and the New
Deal controlled economy, it did not serve to bring about inflation and a rise
in wages and prices, though that was the principal excuse offered for the
act. In recent years, when there has been good reason to fight price rises,
it has served as a tremendous stimulus to inflation.
The revaluation of gold meant eventually that persons or groups permitted to
retain ownership of gold, and producers of new gold, received an increased
price of $15.00, or 75%, per ounce. But the rank and file of the citizenry,
every man, woman and child who owned gold which was surrendered, bonds,
savings, insurance or liquid cash, were robbed to the same extent. It meant
that the purchasing power of the American dol. lar in foreign markets was
reduced by the same amount, and that each American living at home or
travelling abroad was robbed by his government of that amount. Revaluation of
gold was not merely uncalled for. It was downright dishonest as well as
injurious to the country and served the nation no good purpose.
For the banking groups, who retained gold or who exported it to foreign
countries in advance of the gold order, the revaluation meant huge profits.
Such banks as Rockefeller's Chase National Bank exported billions of dollars
worth of gold bullion successively to France and England, beginning in
October 1929. They profited when they increased the price of gold in France,
when they manipulated the rise in the pound sterling in England from $3.05 to
$4.86; and when they returned the gold to the United States they gave
themselves $15.00 an ounce more for their gold, as a reward for helping to
bring on the 1929 crash and the depression by exporting the gold.
Aside from its basic dishonesty, the gold order originally issued by
Roosevelt was unconstitutional as I pointed out in letters published in the
New York Times and other publications at the time. For the order called for
surrender of the gold to the Federal Reserve Bank, a private, quasi-public
stock company. Though the Constitution' permits of confiscation for eminent
domain, it bars confiscation for private interest.
F. D. R. called upon Congress to pass a bill in the following year compelling
surrender of gold to the Treasury, supposedly to correct the illegality of
his first gold order. But this law was treated with their customary contempt
by F. D. R. and his New Dealers. After two years of investigation, I forced
an admission from Secretary Morganthau that $10,000 gold notes were being
issued by the Treasury Department solely to member banks of the Federal
Reserve System for the gold that had been surrendered. In other words, the
gold hoard that is being protected by the United States Army at Fort Knox
belongs to the member bankers of the Federal Reserve Bank and not to the
United States Treasury. This is a violation of both law and Constitution.
Revaluation of gold saved Hearst a part of his fortune. Profits of Homestake
Mining Company and other gold mines rose enormously. The price of gold stocks
rose accordingly, and Homestake Mining Company stock rose from $50 to over
$500 within a short period after the gold order.
Republicans and honest Democrats alike condemned the gold order and fought
it, in one case to the Supreme Court where it was speciously upheld. They
threatened to reverse the order when it would be in their power to do so.
Hearst was in abject terror over the threats to reverse gold revaluation. He
had to get the higher price for gold over a long period of time to retrieve
part of his fortune. It was imperative for him that Roosevelt should be
repeatedly reelected. But he knew that his continuous championship of
Roosevelt would drive his numerous enemies into the opposition.
The task of making Hearst a real asset to Roosevelt's re-election campaigns
instead of a potential liability and of perverting public opinion, was placed
before a group of outstanding publicity men. They advised that Nazism and
Fascism was becoming extremely unpopular in the United States and F. D. R.
was following public opinion in opposing them. They suggested that William
Randolph Hearst and his publications launch a sham fight on Roosevelt, and at
the same time pretend to support Nazism and Fascism, thus throwing the
Anti-Nazis and Anti-Fascists into the Roosevelt camp.
The plan was a bitter pill for Hearst to swallow. He hated both Nazis and
Fascists, if for no other reason -because they interfered with his news
services. Nevertheless Hearst accepted the. plan. With great ostentation and
publicity he announced a visit to both Hitler and Mussolini, the outcome of
which was the ap. pearance in Hearst's publications, under control of the
Rockefeller interests, of articles by Goebbels, Goering, Gayda and others. As
the perverters of public opinion expected, the gullible public raged at
Hearst and flocked to the standards of Roosevelt, blind to the fact that he
was giving them another of the same brand of dictatorship.
The antagonism betwe[e]n Hearst and Roosevelt was utterly sham and an
absurd hoax, as can be discerned from the things that Hearst was doing
simultaneously for the Roosevelt family. Immediately after the inaugu-ration,
and after a threat made by F. D. R. to prose-cute airmail overcharges, or
"frauds", Elliott Roosevelt at the age of 21 and with no experience in
aviation was given, with suspicious eagerness, the job of man-ager of the
Gilpin Airlines with a total retainer of $15,000 a year. The airmail "frauds"
were never pros-ecuted.
The pattern of this situation, which became familiar and oft-repeated in the
Roosevelt family during F. D. R.'s administration, bore so many of the
earmarks of a "payoff" that it started tongues wagging. The financial
interests behind the Administration were frankly as worried about it as they
were about the BeVier toilet kit scandal that involved New Dealer Harry L.
Hopkins. In the midst of this concern, Hearst stepped into the breach and
offered Elliott, whose major experience with aircraft was to watch them fly,
the job of aviation editor of his newspapers at a higher straight salary than
he received from Gilpin Airlines.
Thereafter Hearst provided munificently for the son of his "enemy", Elliott
Roosevelt. Elliott's talents were turned to radio, working for Southwest
Broadcasting Company which later turned over four of its stations to the open
ownership of Hearst. His position was vice-president. Elliot Roosevelt
handled for Hearst the radio presidential election campaign against his
father in 1936. It hardly can be conceived that Elliott Roosevelt would have
done anything really intended to harm his father. The trail of Hearst's
benefactions anent Elliott goes further.
But Hearst did not stop with Elliott in his benefactions to the family of his
"enemy", F.D.R. Anna Roosevelt Dall Boettiget, F.D.R.'s daughter, and her
husband were both given highly paid jobs on the unsuccessful Hearst paper,
The Seattle Post Intelligencer.
Anna was made columnist with a reputed salary of $12,000 a year and her
husband, publisher at a salary running into six figures. May the Lord give us
more "enemies" of that calibre.
The story of the enmity that the Du Ponta displayed against Roosevelt in
public is much the same type of flim-flam staged for political, vote-getting
purposes. The Du Ponta heavily financed the Democratic as well as the
Republican Party. They carefully avoided financing Roosevelt's campaigns
openly, but indirectly contributed heavily through the Association Against
the Prohibition Amendment and other channels.
Shortly after Roosevelts nomination, the two families got together and in
true monarchic fashion the Du Ponta arranged an alliance with the Royal
Family by sealing the engagement of young Ethel Du Pont and Franklin Delano
Roosevelt Jr. It was a natural alli. ance because of the identity of
interests. Both the Du Ponta and the Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty are heavily
interested in munitions and armaments, in war.
It was decided, however, that it would never do to let the public know of
this alliance, because its warlike character would be so obvious. Any stories
that leaked out regarding the alliance and the engagement were promptly
denied. It was kept a dark secret until exactly one week after F.D.R.'s
second election.
The same policy was followed in making the Du Ponta an asset to Roosevelt, to
help assure his reelection. As in the case of Hearst, the Du Ponta appeared
to be enemies of their prospective in-law, Roosevelt. The Du Ponta were
intensively publicized as warloving, war-thriving munition kings. On the
other hand fire was added to the pacifist movement that had been planted in
the land by its designing enemies. The Liberty League was then set up for the
ostensible pur. pose of attacking Roosevelt and fighting his reelection. This
served to throw the entire pacifist vote into Roosevelt's camp and helped
assure his reelection.
How fully deliberate was this malign purpose can be seen from the publicity
about the Liberty League on which the Du Ponts spent millions of dollars.
This publicity, as is instanced by the "Hate Roosevelt" dinner given in
Washington, served to present the Du Pouts to the nation as a laughing stock.
Ordinarily business men do not regard ridicule as good .publicity and
invariably discharge the publicists who make the mistake of heaping it on
them. But the Du Ponts continued to pay publicist Jouett Shouse $50,000 a
year and an unlimited expense account, repeatedly to hold them up to
ridicule. Apparently they were willing to go far to insure Roosevelt's
re-election.
And curiously enough, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who was viciously vindictive
and invariably sought to "purge" his enemies, did not resent the sham attacks
of Hearst and the Du Pouts, in the slightest degree.
The Rockefeller-Standard Oil group carefully stayed in the background and
made no open and direct contribution, other than those of Harkness, to
Roosevelt's election campaign. But their hand in effecting Roosevelt's
election is evinced by a number of facts. The majority of the members of the
Roosevelt Cabinet were drawn from their crowd. These included: Harold Ickes,
Standard Oil attorney for the Chicago area, Secretary of the Interior;
Frances Perkins, Rockefeller almoner, Secretary of Labor; Henry A. Wallace,
Rocke. feller protege, Secretary of Agriculture; oil man, Jesse Jones; and
Harry L. Hopkins, Rockefeller almoner and their key New Deal agent in
controlling Roosevelt's policies. A staggering number of appointive positions
in policy-making agencies of the government were drawn from their
subordinates. And for the first time in history an American President dared
openly ap. point a Rockefeller to office�Nelson Rockefeller in the
ultra-strategic post of Coordinator of Hemispheric Defense.
Under Roosevelt the United States Government became totally subservient to
the Rockefeller Empire and made possible its conquest of the world. The
appointment of J. P. Morgan's nephew, Joseph Grew, as Ambassador to Japan
prepared the way for Pearl Harbor, the rescue of Rockefeller-Standard Oil
property in China, and the complete conquest of Japan by the Rockefeller
Empire. At the same time it gave them, at the expense of tens of thousands of
American lives and a huge proportion of the national wealth, the control of
the enormously rich Saudi Arabian and other Near East oil fields.
pps. 161-171
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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