-Caveat Lector-

>From Chicago-Sun Times
http://www.suntimes.com/output/novak/novak06.html

Balkan failure is Clark's

May 6, 1999

BY ROBERT NOVAK SUN-TIMES COLUMNIST

Who is responsible for an air offensive that is building anti-American
anger across Europe without breaking the Serbian regime's will? The blame
rests heavily on Gen. Wesley Clark, the NATO supreme commander.

After 40 days, U.S.-dominated NATO air strikes no longer even pretend to
aim solely at military targets. Pentagon sources admit that the attacks on
the city center of Belgrade are intended to so demoralize ordinary citizens
that they force President Slobodan Milosevic to yield. That has not yet
happened, but diplomats believe the grave damage done to American prestige
in Central and Eastern Europe will outlive this vicious little war.

"The problem is Wes Clark making--at least approving--the bombing
decisions," said one such diplomat, who then asked rhetorically: "How could
they let a man with such a lack of judgment be [supreme allied commander of
Europe]?" Through dealings with Yugoslavia that date back to 1994, Clark's
propensity for mistakes has kept him in trouble while he continued moving
up the chain of command thanks to a patron in the Oval Office.

In the last month's American newspaper clippings, Clark emerges as the only
heroic figure of a non-heroic war. Indeed, his resume is stirring: first in
his class at West Point, Rhodes scholar, frequently wounded and highly
decorated Vietnam combat veteran, White House fellow. He became a full
general about as fast as possible in peacetime.

But members of Congress who visited Clark at his Brussels headquarters in
the early days of the attack on Yugoslavia were startled by his
off-the-record comments. If the Russians are going to sail war ships into
the combat zone, we should bomb them. If Milosevic is getting oil from the
Hungarian pipeline, we should bomb it.

NATO's actual air strategy did not go that far, but increasingly, it has
reflected Clark's belligerence. Even the general's defenders in the
national security establishment cannot understand the targeting of empty
government buildings in Belgrade, including Milosevic's official residence.
Civilian damage and casualties in Kosovo and elsewhere in Serbia are too
widespread to be accidental.

Sources inside the U.S. high command say this week's disabling of Belgrade
electrical power facilities was intended to destroy civilian morale. The
Pentagon has announced NATO "area bombing" with "dumb" bombs carried by
B-52s--clearly an anti-population tactic. In a highly limited war, Clark is
using the methods of total war.

One American diplomat with experience in the Balkans, who asked that he not
be quoted by name, told me that ground forces are needed and he is appalled
by the bombing of civilian targets. "It has no military significance, and
it is pointless--utterly pointless," he added. "But it has a terrible
impact on us. This bombing in the heart of the Balkans is costing us."

That cost is viewed by State Department professionals as the product of
Clark's deaf ear when it comes to diplomacy. His classic gaffe came in 1994
when he went off to meet Ratko Mladic, the brutal Bosnian Serb commander
now sought as a war criminal, at his redoubt in Banja Luka. Mladic
concluded their meeting by saying how much he admired Clark's three-star
general cap. Impulsively, the American general exchanged hats with the
notorious commander, who has been accused of ethnic cleansing, and even
accepted Mladic's service revolver with an engraved message.

That escapade cost Victor Jackovich his job as U.S. ambassador to Bosnia.
He was sacked partly for not exercising sufficient restraint on the
mercurial Clark and for not preventing him from gallivanting off to Banja
Luka. The sequel came at Belgrade a year later during the diplomacy leading
to the Dayton peace conference. Milosevic, smiling broadly, humiliated
Clark by returning his hat to him. That helps explain the general's intense
personal animosity for the Yugoslav president.

Clark is the perfect model of a 1990s political four-star general. Clark's
rapid promotions after Dayton--winning his fourth star to head the
Panama-based Southern Command and then the jewel of his European post--were
both opposed by the Pentagon brass. But Clark's fellow Arkansan in the
White House named him anyway. The president and the general are
collaborators in a failed strategy whose consequences cast a long shadow
even if soon terminated by negotiation.

Robert Novak appears on the CNN programs "Capitol Gang" at 6 p.m. Saturday
and "Evans, Novak, Hunt and Shields" at 4:30 p.m. Saturday and 10 a.m.
Sunday.

Back to Novak Page

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~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

>From WorldNetDaily
http://www.worldnetdaily.com/bluesky_rockwell/19990506_xclro_violence_c.shtm
l

Violence Chic

------------------------------------------------------------------------

On cue, the midgets in the Senate are holding hearings on violence in the
public schools. What's to blame for the shootings in Colorado? Several
members lashed out at a predictable target: Hollywood and its supposed
glorification of violence. But kids these days don't have to go to the
movies to see maiming and killing. They can see the real thing by turning
on the nightly news. Once again, it's government, not private industry,
that provides the worst example to children.

U.S. bombs do to Belgrade what tornadoes did to Oklahoma and Kansas, and
the senators think they can send a non-violent message to young people?
Worse, Clinton and Gore think pious speeches can blunt the reality that the
U.S. military is killing civilians in foreign countries every day. If
offing people you hate is OK in Pristina, why not Littleton? The primary
sponsor of violence chic is not the movies, which portray fantasy, but the
government, which engages in real-life war.

The seventy premature babies in a Belgrade hospital, whose incubators went
dead after the U.S. "soft bombed" an electrical plant, are the real-life
casualties of Clinton's war. To gin up the Gulf War, the Bush
administration told stories about Iraqi troops dumping preemies on the
floor, stories which turned out to be false. This time, however, it is for
real, but it is the U.S. doing it.

The sixty people incinerated on board a civilian bus in Kosovo were made of
flesh, bone, and blood, not frames on a film. No wonder the violent
imagination of the killer Eric Harris ran wild with dreams of joining the
war. He told one and all he was prepared to fight, not for his country, but
for the sheer thrill of killing people who don't stand a chance of fighting
back. Unable to get to Yugoslavia, he decided to cover the home front.

If violence in the Balkans is getting to be old hat, turn your attention to
Iraq, where the bombings and bloodshed, not to speak of the murderous
sanctions, have been relentless. With everyone's attention riveted on
Yugoslavia, the U.S. has stepped up its war on Iraq, with almost daily
skirmishes against radar and other sites, and the deaths of dozens of
civilians.

While nature ravished the American Midwest, an unnatural disaster befell
Northern Iraq. U.S. jets launched missiles near Mosul, killing two
civilians and mutilating another 12. Twenty-five miles north of Mosul, a
family of seven was snuffed out by U.S. bombs.

Official excuse No. 1: the U.S. was targeting air-defense sites. Gee, but
isn't that a funny place for a family to live? Official excuse No. 2:
Saddam Hussein is placing these sites in civilian neighborhoods to deter
attacks. But why would he think this would deter anything, given the U.S.
performance in his own country and Yugoslavia? Official excuse No. 3: The
U.S. had to act because Saddam was planning a showdown while the Pentagon
is occupied in the Balkans. But what kind of "showdown" is this broken
regime in a broken country capable of?

Enough of this nonsense. The credibility of administration spokesmen has
begun to run very thin.

For instance: a court recently cleared the owner of the Sudanese
pharmaceutical plant of having had any connection to chemical weapons. But
this was a year after the U.S. reduced the entire place to rubble, and
insisted, vehemently and for many months, that it was making chemical
weapons to be used against Americans. Moreover, these same administration
spokesmen denounced all skeptics as wackos with an agenda, or people in the
pay of terrorists.

It is the Clinton administration, not the movies, that is the source of the
new violence chic. And herein lies the greatest tragedy of the present
regime. If there was ever any hope that Clinton might do some good for his
country, it stemmed from his youthful protests against aggressive U.S.
wars. Was there a commitment to something right and true in this man who
otherwise appeared to have no moral core? If nothing else, he might have
kept us out of war.

Alas, war is now one of his many unsavory legacies. Not even his redeeming
qualities redeemed him in the end. For him, that weapon of mass destruction
called government provides tangible proof that he is somebody important. He
can turn off the power in a Belgrade hospital. He can blow up buses. He can
decide who and what to destroy, any place on earth. He can determine
whether sick children in Iraq have access to medical supplies. (His answer
is no.) Thank God his plan to nationalize all of American medicine failed.

If politicians want to send a moral message to American kids, let them
start by stopping their own acts of violence. Then they could give us the
gun control we need: background checks and waiting periods for politicians
trying to buy bombers, and safety locks on Tomahawk missiles. Parents,
freed from the influence that officially sanctioned violence has on their
children, can take it from there.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr. is president of the Ludwig von Mises Institute
in Auburn, Alabama.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

>From Wash (DC) Post

Vets Want US Troops Out of Balkans

Thursday, May 6, 1999; 5:00 a.m. EDT

INDIANAPOLIS (AP) -- The nation's largest veterans organization has urged
President Clinton to immediately withdraw U.S. troops from the Balkans.

``We believe the best thing we can do to support our troops, to protect our
troops, is to bring them home,'' said Harold L. ``Butch'' Miller, national
commander of The American Legion. ``We believe we are getting into a bad
situation in Kosovo.''

The Legion's national executive committee unanimously adopted a resolution
Wednesday calling for all U.S. soldiers, pilots and support staff to be
removed from the region.

The resolution says the U.S.-led NATO attacks against Serbia ``could only
lead to troops being killed, wounded or captured without advancing any
clear purpose, mission or objective.''

The Legion would permit U.S. involvement if Congress passes a resolution
supporting the NATO action; U.S. troops are led only by U.S. commanders;
the president explains why the action is ``in our vital national
interests;'' and guidelines for the campaign, including an exit strategy,
are established.

The Legion, which represents about 2.9 million American veterans, has
scheduled a news conference today to discuss the resolution, which is being
delivered to the White House and all members of Congress.

� Copyright 1999 The Associated Press


~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
At SalonMagazine.CoM
http://www.salonmag.com/news/feature/1999/05/06/war/index1.html
Declaring war on undeclared war
A lawsuit could force President Clinton to get Congress' OK on Kosovo.
   ----AND----
April 30, 1999
Lawsuit Filed by Congressman Campbell in Federal District Court
http://www.house.gov/campbell/lawsuit.htm
<<Twelve pages of images of paperwork>>

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

>From CounterPunch.Org

A Vain, Pompous, Brown-noser

Meet the Real Gen. Clark

Anyone seeking to understand the bloody fiasco of the Serbian war need
hardly look further than the person of the beribboned Supreme Allied
Commander, General Wesley K. Clark. Politicians and journalists are
generally according him a respectful hearing as he discourses on the
"schedule" for the destruction of Serbia, tellingly embracing phrases
favored by military bureaucrats such as "systematic" and "methodical".

 The reaction from former army subordinates is very diffe<Picture>rent.
"The poster child for everything that is wrong with the GO (general
officer) corps," exclaims one colonel, who has had occasion to observe
Clark in action, citing, among other examples, his command of the 1st
Cavalry Division at Fort Hood from 1992 to 1994.

While Clark's official Pentagon biography proclaims his triumph in
"transitioning the Division into a rapidly deployable force" this officer
describes the "1st Horse Division" as "easily the worst division I have
ever seen in 25 years of doing this stuff."

Such strong reactions are common. A major in the 3rd Brigade of the 4th
Infantry Division at Fort Carson, Colorado when Clark was in command there
in the early 1980s described him as a man who "regards each and every one
of his subordinates as a potential threat to his career".

While he regards his junior officers with watchful suspicion, he
<Picture>customarily accords the lower ranks little more than arrogant
contempt. A veteran of Clark's tenure at Fort Hood recalls the general's
"massive tantrum because the privates and sergeants and wives in the
crowded (canteen) checkout lines didn't jump out of the way fast enough to
let him through".

Clark's demeanor to those above is, of course, very different, a mode of
behavior that has earned him rich dividends over the years. Thus, early in
1994, he was a candidate for promotion from two to three star general. Only
one hurdle remained - a war game exercise known as the Battle Command
Training Program in which Clark would have to maneuver his division against
an opposing force. The commander of the opposing force, or "OPFOR" was
known for the military skill with which he routinely demolished opponents.
But Clark's patrons on high were determined that no such humiliation should
be visited on their favorite. Prior to the exercise therefore, strict
orders came down that the battle should go Clark's way.
Accordingly<Picture>, the OPFOR was reduced in strength by half, thus
enabling Clark, despite deploying tactics of signal ineptitude, to triumph.
His third star came down a few weeks later.

Battle exercises and war games are of course meant to test the fighting
skills of commanders and troops. The army's most important venue for such
training is the National Training Center at Fort Irwin, California, where
Clark commanded from October 1989 to October 1991 and where his men
derisively nicknamed him "Section Leader Six" for his obsessive
micro-management.

At the NTC, army <Picture>units face a resident OPFOR that has, through
constant battle practice coupled with innovative tactics and close
knowledge of the terrain, become adept at routing the visiting "Blue Force"
opponents. For Clark, this naturally posed a problem. Not only were his men
using unconventional tactics, they were also humiliating Blue Force
generals who might nurture resentment against the NTC commander and thus
discommode his career at some future date. To the disgust of the junior
OPFOR officers Clark therefore frequently fought to lose, sending his men
on suicidal attacks in order that the Blue Forces should go home happy and
owing debts of gratitude to their obliging foe.

All observers agree that Clark has always displayed an obsessive concern
with the perquisites and appurtenances of rank. Ever since he acceded to
the Nato command post, the entourage with which he travels has accordingly
grown to gargantuan proportions to the point where even civilians are
beginning to comment. A Senate aide recalls his appearances to testify,
prior to which aides scurry about the room adjusting lights,
polishin<Picture>g his chair, testing the microphone etc prior to the
precisely timed and choreographed moment when the Supreme Allied Commander
Europe makes his entrance.

"We are state of the art pomposity and arrogance up here," remarks the
aide. "So when a witness displays those traits so egregiously that even the
senators notice, you know we're in trouble." His NATO subordinates call
him, not with affection, "the Supreme Being".
"Clark is smart," concludes one who has monitored his career. "But his
whole life has been spent manipulating appearances (e.g. the doctored OPFOR
exercise) in the interests of his career. Now he is faced with a reality he
can't control." This observer concludes that, confronted with the wily
Slobodan and other unavoidable variables of war, Clark will soon come
unglued. "Watch the carpets at NATO HQ for teeth marks." CP

>From http://www.eucom.mil/people/clark/bio.htm

<<excerpted>>
General Clark is a 1966 graduate of the United States Military Academy at
West Point, New York, where he graduated first in his class. He holds a
master's degree in Philosophy, Politics and Economics from Oxford
University where he studied as a Rhodes Scholar (August 1966-August 1968).

General Clark grew up in Little Rock, Arkansas.
<<end excerpt>>

>From http://usembassy.or.cr/bioclint.html

<<excerpted>>
A fifth-generation Arkansan, President Clinton was born on August 19, 1946.
He spent the first years of his life in Hope and then moved with his family
to Hot Springs, where he graduated from high school.

The President earned a bachelor's degree from Georgetown University in 1968
and a law degree from Yale Law School in 1973. He also studied at Oxford
University as a Rhodes Scholar from 1968 to 1970.
<<end excerpt>>


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