-Caveat Lector-
>From www.russiatoday.com
> June 10, 1999
>
> Analysis: The Coming End Of The 'Party of Power'
>
> Economic failures, geopolitical isolation, and electoral experience
> are combining to bring an end to the rule of the "party of power," one
> of the most characteristic features of the post-communist transition
> in the former Soviet republics.
>
> An amorphous and non-ideological group consisting of a non-party
> president, a politicized bureaucracy and a depoliticized government
> closely linked to non-official groups, the "party of power" serves as
> a buffer between communists on the left and nationalists on the right
> in the Russian Federation, Ukraine, Moldova, and other post-Soviet
> states.
>
> At the present time, the "party of power" both as a concept and a
> reality still dominates the political landscape. But as Vladimir
> Bruger writes in the May 26 issue of the Moscow newspaper
> "Nezavisimaya gazeta-Sodruzhestvo," its days may be numbered because
> of forces beyond its control. And he suggests that it is likely to be
> replaced by a politicized politics and a more pragmatic political
> style.
>
> The first of these forces working against the continued dominance of
> the "party of power" in these countries is the continuing if not
> accelerating collapse of their economies. Because the parties of power
> have justified their remaining in office by pointing to the evils that
> either the nationalists or communists might bring, they have often
> escaped public attack even if they have not received much public
> support.
>
> But as the economic situation in these countries has deteriorated, the
> parties of power no longer can make that argument work to their
> advantage. "In contrast to ideology or PR," Bruger writes, "economics
> demands an accounting for everything that is done and not done." And
> ever more people and politicians are deciding that the alternatives
> denounced by the party of power may in fact not be worse than the
> incumbents.
>
> The second force undermining the continuation of this form of
> governance is the changing geopolitical position of these countries.
> Immediately after the collapse of communism, the first post-Soviet
> governments -- which included second-level party nomenklatura
> officials as well as a thing stratum of reformers -- expected that the
> West would not only provide substantial aid but work to integrate
> these countries into Western organizations.
>
> Neither has happened, at least as far as the population can see,
> Bruger notes. And as a result, ever more people in these countries are
> prepared to consider supporting parties of the left or the right that
> advocate policies that can be variously described as committed to
> self-reliance or going it alone.
>
> And the third force is the growing electoral experience of both
> politicians and the populace in these states. In all these countries,
> the parties of power were able to co-opt many politicians, and these
> ideologically based leaders were all too willing to be co-opted --
> because the party of power had all the power -- and all too willing
> not to challenge the bases of the party of power -- because they hoped
> eventually to use its levers themselves.
>
> One distinguishing characteristic of this tendency, Bruger notes, is
> that in both Russia and Ukraine, the political parties who form the
> majorities in parliament have accepted the designation of opposition
> and have behaved as such.
>
> But that pattern is beginning to change as a result of the pressures
> of electoral politics. Some of those now aspiring to office were
> themselves earlier cast of the party of power and have changed their
> views. After being fired as Russian premier, Viktor Chernomyrdin's
> political party adopted a very different stand on the constitutional
> arrangements that have allowed the Russian party of power to control
> all decision making.
>
> Even more important, as the populations of these countries gain
> experience with elections, those politicians who hope to win support
> are now being forced to distance themselves from the failings of those
> now in power. Thus, as Bruger points out, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov
> immediately declared that his new party "cannot be held responsible
> for everything that was done before us."
>
> None of this necessarily sounds an immediate death knell for the
> parties of power. On the one hand, the authoritarian traditions of
> these countries mean that many leaders, even those who head more
> ideologically based parties, prefer the informal and backroom dealings
> that the parties of power have practiced over the last few years.
>
> And on the other, the parties of power in the past have shown their
> ability to manipulate the media and the political system during
> elections and successfully maintain themselves in power by portraying
> their opponents as more dangerous than themselves.
>
> But economic collapse, international isolation, and experience with
> elections have fragmented the parties of power in all these countries,
> Bruger notes, and thus reduced their ability to respond to challenges.
> And that makes it ever more likely that over the next decade, the
> current "party of power" system will give way to a more ideologically
> and interest-based politics.
>
> That may produce bad things as well as good, Bruger concludes. But he
> adds that it will at least mean that the post-communist transition
> will shift into a new phase, one that will put still more distance
> between where these countries will be and where they were in the
> communist past. ((c) 1999 RFE/RL)
>
>
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