-Caveat Lector-
>From The Super Afrikaners-Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom 1978
Profile of Power
World attention is focused on South Africa: a vast, rich country of extremes
and diversity, the country of gold and diamonds, apart-heid and Soweto, Biko
and Botha. Hardly a week goes by without South Africa making international
headlines.
Yet despite the probing spotlight of critical world attention, a
crucial element of South African political reality has largely es-caped
detection. This strange, unique society is not ruled, as is generally
believed, by "whites" or "Afrikaners". It is not as sim-ple as that. A
dominant force is an ultra-secret organisation, the most exclusive and
influential underground movement in the Western world.
It is called the Afrikaner Broederbond (Brotherhood).
Although it has only 12 000 scrupulously selected members, it plots
and influences the destiny of all 25-million South Africans, black and
white. By stealth and sophisticated political intrigue, this 60-year-old
organisation has waged a remarkable campaign to harness political, social
and economic forces in South Africa to its cause of ultimate Afrikaner
domination. And, to an extent beyond the most optimistic dreams of its
founders, it has succeeded.
The South African Government today is the Broederbond and the
Broederbond is the Government. No Afrikaner government can rule South Africa
without the support of the Broederbond. No Nationalist Afrikaner can become
Prime Minister unless he comes from the organisation's select ranks.
Mr P W Botha, the current Prime Minister, is a member - as were his
four predecessors, Dr D F Malan, Advocate J G Strijdom, Dr H F Verwoerd and
Mr John Vorster. Every member, except two, of the Botha Cabinet is a
Broederbonder.
From this pinnacle of executive control over South Africa's affairs,
the organisation's 12 000 members permeate every aspect of the Republic's
life. Through its network of more than 800 cells in the villages and cities
of South Africa, the organisation has infil-trated members into town and
city councils, school boards, agricultural unions, the State-controlled
radio and television networks, industry and commerce, banks and building
societies.
Its membership spirals insidiously upwards through the strata of
South African society, into the provincial administrations, the departments
of education, planning, roads and works, the hospital
services, universities, the quasi-state corporations, the civil service, the
National Party caucuses, working through the administrators of the
provinces, through Parliament and the seat of government, until it finally
reaches its apex in the offices of the Prime Minister.
Its all-pervading influence has made its indelible mark on South
Africa. The Bantustan policies, the Christian national education policy, the
sport policy, the coloured and Indian policy - all the major political
peculiarities which have shaped South Africa into a constitutional oddity
bear the stamp of the Broederbond on their formulation and execution.
Beneath the trappings of Parliamen-tary "democracy", and behind the
remarkable success of South Africa's ruling National Party, lies the
extraordinary power of the Broederbond.
In 1934 when the organisation was 16 years old, the then chairman,
Professor J C van Rooy, set an ambitious goal for the Broederbond. Probably
more than any other single statement in its history, this sums up the
organisation's fervent purpose. Van Rooy wrote, in a secret circular to its
members:
"The primary consideration is whether Afrikanerdom will reach its
ultimate destiny of domination in South Africa. Brothers, the key to South
Africa's problems is not whether one party or another shall obtain the
whiphand, but whether the Afrikaner Broederbond shall govern South Africa."
Since then, the organisation has been an abiding force in the
shaping of modern South Africa's destiny. From the time the Broederbond
scored its first major political triumph in the 1948 general election
victory of the National Party, it has gone from strength to strength.
Through periods of changing fortunes the organisation has weathered crises
and setbacks, but has tenaciously sought its "holy grail" of ultimate
control.
Whether Van Rooy's dream of the Broederbond governing South Africa
has been achieved or not may be open to debate. But that it is
Broederbonders who govern South Africa is beyond all doubt.
The first chairman of the organisation, H J Klopper, summed it up in
a celebratory speech at the 50th anniversary of the Broeder-bond in 1968,
when he said: "From the time the Afrikaner Broederbond picked up momentum,
it has given the country its governments.
It has given the country every Nationalist Prime Minister since
1948. However indirectly, its efforts gave the Re-public to our nation. It
has given the country two State Presidents.'
"Do you realise what a powerful force is gathered here tonight
between these four walls? Show me a greater power on the whole continent of
Africa! Show me a greater power anywhere, even in your so-called civilised
countries!
"We are part of the State, we are part of the Church, we are part of
every big movement that has been born of the nation. And we make our
contributions unseen; we carried them through to the point that our nation
has reached today."
An extraordinary achievement. From humble but determined beginnings
in the hills around Johannesburg in 1918 when the Afrikaners were confused,
dispirited, spent, the organisation has
built a government that today holds a world record of unbroken rule, and a
party that, following the 1977 general election, holds the biggest-ever
majority in the South African Parliament (135 seats in the 165-seat
Assembly).
South Africa's present power structure is a tribute to the
Broederbond's tireless efforts on behalf of Afrikanerdom. The present Prime
Minister is Broeder number 4487. His predecessor, Mr Vorster, was member
number 3737 and Dr Hendrik Fransch Ver-woerd was member number 1596. Dr
Verwoerd, whose term of office saw two of the Broederbond's most cherished
achievements -the advent of Republic in 1961 and the acceptance of the
Bantustan policy - maintained a very close relationship with the
organisation. He became a member on February 17 1937 and was elected to the
Executive Council, the organisation's supreme body, in October 1940. He
remained on the Executive Council for 10 years until 1950 when, as he said,
he exchanged "the Cabinet of the Afrikaner Broederbond for the Cabinet of
the nation." During his term as an Executive member he attended 51 meetings
and was absent,with apologies, on only two occasions.
Shortly after his election as Prime Minister in 1958 he attended a
national meeting of the Broederbond where he told his fellow
members: "Friends, there is nothing that gives me greater pleasure than to
be with you. When the invitation arrived I knew there would be people who
would have doubts about my coming, doubts reflecting caution. But I never
had one moment of doubt and the reason is simple.
"I do not see that the opponents of our national organisation, the
opponents of our Afrikaner ideal, may dictate the movements of the Prime
Minister of the country.
"I saw it not only as my privilege, but also as my duty to draw
closer by my presence the ties that always existed unobtrusively between our
Afrikaner organisation and our Afrikaner Government. And that is why I am
here: to draw the Broeder bonds tighter."
A former chairman of the Broederbond, Dr P J (Piet) Meyer, referred
to this close relationship in his address at the 50th anniver-sary meeting
of the organisation in 1968. He told the meeting that Dr Verwoerd had
consulted the Broederbond in July 1959 about the Republic referendum - six
months before he told Parliament he was going to the country to test
national support for the Afrikaners' republican dream."He asked the
Afrikaner Broeder-
4
bond to accept co-responsibility for the new Republic, a task that the AB
accepted with great eagerness and the provision of large amounts of money."
Dr Meyer added that he had seen Dr Verwoerd a week before he was
stabbed to death in Parliament by an insane messenger, Dimitri Tsafendas in
September 1966. According to Dr Meyer:
"He gave me, as chairman of the Executive Council, permission to start
planning for a new Republican flag and a change in the State President
system to bring it more in line with the old Transvaal and Free State
presidencies - obviously with the necessary adaptation to comply with the
present circumstances.. .We will give attention to the State Presidency when
the time is right." Significantly, the new constitutional proposals for
South Africa announced in 1976 include a strengthened State Presidency with
executive powers.
After Dr Verwoerd's assassination, and after the flurry of activity
over his succession by Mr Vorster, the ties between the Broederbond and the
Prime Minister's office were quickly renewed. On August 2 1967 the
Broederbond chairman, Dr Meyer, re-ported that "during the recent
Parliamentary sitting, the chairman of the Executive Council personally
conveyed our organisation's heartfelt thanks and appreciation to our friend
(the organisation's term for member), the Prime Minister, for everything
that the Government has done to the advantage and in the interests of our
country and all its peoples" (Broederbond circular entitled Us and Our
Political Leaders).
He noted that the "doors of the Prime Minister and of our other
political leaders" were always open to the Executive Council.
The relationship was rocked soon after, however, by the bitter
struggle in the National Party between pro-Vorster faction and the extreme
right-wing group under the Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, Dr Albert
Hertzog. The debilitating struggle, which ended in a split in the party,
seriously dented the new Prime Minister's position and also caused a major
crisis in the Broederbond where the divisions sapping the party were
mirrored.
In the early stages of the revolt, the Broederbond chiefs called on
Vorster to discuss the problem. The meeting is reported in a Broederbond
document, number 8/67/68 of November 2 1967. Dr Meyer reports:
"The Executive Council delegation held an open-hearted discussion
with our friend (Mr Vorster) about:
5
(a) The contribution of our organisation to the desired and essential unity
of our nation, among our own members and in all spheres;
(b) The role in this connection of all communications media, particularly
the Press - including our own; (c) The areas of activity, tasks and
problems of our Afrikaans cul-tural organisations;
(d) The undermining philosophies that are threatening the spirit
and soul of our nation - namely humanism, communism and liberalism - and
measures to combat them;
(e) The dangers of increasing economic integration under the
leadership of businessmen who do not subscribe to the policy of separate
development, and the complementary problem of the Afrikaner continuing in
the subordinate economic role;
(f) The application of our national education policy which hasnow been
ratified by legislation.
"Our honourable Prime Minister thoroughly informed the delegation about his
and his Government's standpoints in connection with all these matters, and
informed us confidentially on the im-mediate and urgent problems to be
tackled by the Government."
Despite the encouraging and placatory tone of this report, all was
not well for a long time and the lingering divisions in Afrikanerdom
continued to strain the Broederbond-Cabinet relationship considerably. It
was clear that Dr Meyer himself was in two minds about which side to back,
and it was only Vorster's bulldozing personality and his highly efficient
information net-work that enabled him to scrape through.
The 1968 Broederbond annual report mentions the divisions among
Afrikaners, Vorster's controversial sports policy, unity bc-tween Afrikaans
and English-speaking South Africans, and the contentious issue of black
diplomats in the Republic - all issues causing bitter dissent in the
National Party at the time. The vital importance to the Premiership of the
Broederbond's support is il-lustrated by a remarkable speech Vorster made to
the organisation that year in which he explained each point at issue.
Clearly he felt compelled to account for the more flexible line he was
adopting in contrast with the rigid, preordained style of his predecessor.
He was fighting desperately to keep the Broederbond on his side, for he was
well aware that failure to do so would seriously jcopardise his position.
6
During the speech he made a major concession to the organis-
ation, strengthening its position even further, when he gave per-mission for
Cabinet Ministers to serve on the Broederbond's Executive Council.
In 1969, the year Dr Hertzog and his dissidents broke from the
National Party to form the Herstigte Nasionale Party (HNP), an Executive
Council delegation again went to see Vorster - this time at the Prime
Minister's official residence, Libertas, in Pretoria.
"Broeder Vorster said he appreciated and welcomed the Executive's
co-operation," after receiving the seldom-awarded Broeder-bond badge "as a
token of our unifying brotherhood," reported Dr Meyer in the secret circular
to members of October 7 1969. Obviously relieved by this sign that the
Broederbond would back him, Vorster described the meeting as a "lovely day",
Meyer reports.
By 1972, after about 200 extreme rightwingers had been expelled from
the Broederbond's ranks for refusing to dissociate themselves from the HNP,
Vorster could breathe easily again. He had carried the day and the
Broederbond-Cabinet relationship was well and truly healed. The
organisation's annual report of the year notes: "The relationship between
the Executive Council and our
Broeders in responsible circles (the organisation's term for the
Government) has never been better."
From the Prime Minister's office the Broederbond's representation
can be traced down the line of executive control, threading its way through
every Cabinet Minister's office with only two exceptions. These exceptions
are the Minister of Finance, Senator Owen Horwood, and the Minister of
Indian Affairs and of Tourism, Mr Marais Steyn. Their respective
disqualifications are that Senator Horwood's English-speaking background
precludes him from membership of the rigorously Afrikaner organisation,
while Mr Steyn is a second-choice Nationalist. He crossed the floor from the
opposition benches where, for years, he had the reputation of being the only
opposition member who could harass the formidable Vorster in debate.
When Vorster reshuffled his Cabinet early in 1978 the brotherly
tradition of power was maintained. The only newcomer to the Cabinet itself
was mr F W de Klerk who became Minister of Posts and Telegraphs and of
Social Welfare and'pensions. He too is a member of the Broederbond, having
been invited to join in 1964 at the unusually young age of 27 (Sunday Times,
January 29 1978).
7
Thus whenever the South African Cabinet meets, it is a tribute to
Van Rooy's ideal expressed more than 40 years ago - that the Broederbond
should govern South Africa.
The Executive Council of the Broederbond are all leading Afrikaners
in their own right. The chairman is Professor Gerrit Viljoen, Rector of Rand
Afrikaans University in Johannesburg. A highly talented and articulate man,
he was described as "brilliant" by the former American Secretary of State,
Henry Kissinger, during a visit to South Africa in 1976.
The vice-chairman is a highly significant and powerful figurehead in
Afrikanerdom, their spiritual leader, the Reverend D P M Beukes, moderator
of the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk, the largest of the three main
Afrikaans churches.
The other Executive members are Dr F C Fensham, Professor of Semitic
Languages at the University of Stellenbosch; Mr J M de Wet, former
Commissioner General of South West Africa; Dr W J (Wimpie) de Klerk,
managing editor of the National Party's Transvaal mouthpiece, Die
Trunsvaler, a 60 OOO-circulation daily
8
morning newspaper; Mr Gabriel Krog, director of Indian Education; Professor
E J Marais, Rector of the University of Port Elizabeth; Mr S A S Hayward,
Nationalist MP for Graaff-Reinet; Pro-fessor H J Samuels, retired chairman
of the South African Arma-ments Board; Dr C W H Boshoff, head of the South
African Bu-reau of Racial Affairs (a Broederbond front organisation); Mr
Eben Cuyler, a former Nationalist senator; Mr D P de Villiers, head of the
giant oil-from-coal corporation, Sasol; Professor B
Kok, chancellor of the University of the Orange Free State; Pro-fessor W A
van Niekerk of the Department of Obstetrics and Gy-naecology at the
University of Stellenbosch; and Mr S W van der Merwe.
It is the fusion of these two bodies, the Cabinet and the Broeder
bond Executive Council, and the forces they individually and col-lectively
represent, that gives the National Party its present pos-ition of
extraordinary power in South Africa.
From this rarified summit of political influence the Broeder bond's
authority is disseminated through the other ranks of society. The President
of the Senate, the upper house in SouthAfrica's present Westminster-type
constitutional arrangement (under the new constitutional proposals the
Senate will disappear) is a Broederbonder, Mr Marais Viljoen. The National
Party's Par-liamentary caucus of 135 is dominated by Broederbond members,
among them, of course, Mr Hayward of the organisation's Execu-tive Council.
There are 186 full-time politicians on the Broederbond's membership lists,
according to one of their secret documents, Profedm and Ages Bveakdown,
compiled in 1977. These include Administrators of South Africa's provinces:
Mr Sybrand van Niekerk, the controversial rightwing Administrator of the
Transvaal (member number 2296), the Administrator of Natal, the amiable Mr
Ben Havemann (Broeder number 4405); Mr A C van Wyk, the Orange Free State's
Administrator (member number 3108). There is every likelihood that Dr L A P
A Munnik, the Cape Administrator, is a member, although this has not been
es-tablished beyond all doubt.
Most of the members of the Provincial Executive Committees in the
Transvaal, Cape %rd Free State are Broeders. In Natal the ruling political
party in the Provincial Council is the New Repub-lic Party, an opposition
party, so there is no Broederbond rep-resentation in that Executive
Committee.
It is not only the policy-makers, but also the policy-executors
9
that are to be found in the Broederbond's ranks. Examples from the former
Prime Minister's Department were his private secretary, Mr Johan Weilbach,
the liaison man, Mr Neville Krige, and the secretary to the department, Mr
Wessel Meyer. It is significant that Mr Krige, who was recruited to the
Prime Minister's Depart-ment from the South African Broadcasting
Corporation, was brought into the Broederbond at the recommendation of the
Executive Council itself soon after his appointment had been announced. The
clear implication is that one of the qualifications for the job was
membership of the organisation.
Many of Vorster's top advisers were also members of the
Broe-derbond. His economic adviser, Dr P J Rieckert, is a member. His
Security Council was made up almost entirely of Broederbonders. It included
the Minister of Defence, Mr P W Botha, the Minister of Justice and Police,
Mr J T Kruger, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr R F (Pik) Botha, and the
former head of the secret service, General Hendrik van den Bergh.
Other notable members include the Secretary for Coloured, Rehoboth
and Nama Relations, Mr J H T Mills; the Secretary for Sport and Recreation,
Mr B K de W Hoek; and the Secretary for Plural Relations, the department
which controls every facet of life for South Africa's 1%million blacks, is
also a Broeder. So is Mr P T .C du Plessis, Nationalist MP for Lydenburg and
Chairman of the Plural (formerly Bantu) Affairs Commission, an important
post in terms of South Africa's Bantustan policy.
Among the Bantu Administration Boards under Broederbond control the
most important are: the West Rand Administration Board which controls the
brooding giant black city of Soweto just outside Johannesburg, the East Rand
Administration Board under Mr S van der Merwe, the Vaal Triangle Board under
Mr C H Knoetze and the Cape Peninsula Board under Brigadier J H van der
Westhuizen. The chairman of WRAB, Mr Manie Mulder (brother of the Minister
of Plural Relations, Dr Connie Mulder) is a prominent Broeder. These
administration boards play a vital role in the execution of South Africa's
apartheid policy. Through a baf-fling system of permits they control every
aspect of black urban
dwellers' lives.
There are 518 civil servants in the Broederbond, the most no-table
being the chairman of the enormous service, Dr P S Rautcn-back (number
6142), the Secretary, Dr W I Stcyn and one of the
commissioners, Mr W G Schickerling, who has since been appointed
Auditor-General. There are 61 Broeders in the provincial administrations. A
significant proportion of these are in the educa-tion departments of the
four provinces where they exert particular influence on the 2424 Broeder
teachers who in turn "spread the gospel" in the classrooms. The teacher
corps of the Broederbond is held in high esteem because of its unique
potential for moulding the minds and attitudes of future white generations.
In modern South Africa, fast becoming one of the world's most
isolated pariah states, the military plays an increasingly important role.
Its sphere of activity and influence has spread in recent years to include a
regular place in the inner sanctums of power, where major political
decisions are taken. The Minister of Defence, Mr P W Botha, is a Broeder.
The Head of the Defence Force, General Magnus Malan, is also in the
organisation's ranks along with 143 Defence Force personnel, most of them
senior officers.
General Hendrik van den Bergh, whose membership number is 6745, is
an important member of the secret organisation. He shared internment during
World War Two with Vorster, forming a lifelong friendship. In his position
at the head of Security Services, which he has recently retired, hc played a
vital role in South African politics. Throughout his career he had been a
close lieuten-ant and confidant of Vorster, particularly during the detente
years in the early and middle 1970s when he made numerous secret diplomatic
sorties into Africa. Information about the other links between BOSS
(DONS) and the Broederbond may not be dis-closed here because of new
legislation in South Africa preventing the publication of any details about
personalities and activities of the secret service. In South Africa, where
the economy increas-ingly takes on the look of a socialist state, there are
a large number of semi-State corporations, all of which have powerful
Broeder-bond representation in their top echelons. In terms of political
in-fluence the most important of these is the State-controlled South African
Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) which holds a jealously-guarded monopoly of
radio and television.
Its chief executive, Dr Piet Meyer, was chairman of the Broe-derbond
from1960 to 1972. For the major part of this period he was simultaneously
chaiiiman of the SABC. He is no longer on the Broederbond Executive but
remains an important and highly in-fluential member of the organisation. His
membership number is 787. At least three members of his SABC board, Mr W A
Maree, Professor S J Terreblanchc and Professor H 0 Miinnig are
Broederbonders. Dr Meyer also serves as chairman of the SABC's
Bantu Programme Control Board (the SABC, like South Africa, is divided on
ethnic lines with different services for the various language and colour
groups). This control board includes at last one other Broeder, Professor E
F Potgieter. Television and radio programmes are the responsibility of Dr J
H T Schutte, recently promoted to Director General (Programmes) of the
corporation. He belongs to the Broederbond's Oom Paul branch in
Jo-hannesburg.
Other top executives of the corporation, who influence the viewing
and listening of all racial groups, include the following Broeders:
??Mr Jan Swanepoel, director-general of the corporation;
??Mr Steve de Villiers, director of English and Afrikaans radio; ??Mr T van
Heerden, who was recently appointed director of Bantu and External Services.
Mr van Heerden's new position indicates that listeners to the SABC's African
language services, future black TV viewers, and people who tune in to the
world-wide Radio RSA service, are likely to have only what the Broe-derbond
wants them to see and hear; ??Mr B J Steyn, recently appointed head of the
SABC in the Orange Free State. Before that,. he was head of Radio Bantu's
Nguni language service;??Mr L S Seegars, now director of Schools Radio
Service. He was formerly head of SABC's South Sotho service.
Other areas of the SABC's administration also have their share of
Broederbond representation. Deputy Director General (Adminis-tration) Mr
Gert Yssel is a member, as is the head of Stores and Supplies, Mr E van H E
Mischke. The viewers' watchdog, the Television Programme Advisory Board,
includes at least one Broeder, Mr P R T Nel. Mr Nel, a former Director of
Education in Natal, also a former member of the Broederbond's Executive
Council.
The importance of the SABC to the Broederbond-National Party
alliance and the extent to which it is manipulated for party political ends
is indicated in two secret Broederbond documents.
The first, Masterplanfor a White Cotrntry: the Strategy, explains
the importance of having Broeders in control of the so-called Bantu
Services. The masterplan calls for the use of organisations,
including the SABC and its Bantu Services and the planned black TV service,
to "compel" compliance with the plan whose main
12
purpose is to see that overwhelming numbers of the black popula-tion live
and work in their own homelands, or Bantustans, as soon as possible. The
second is a secret circular to members, number
5/70/71 dated August 3 1970, which deals with the introduction of television
in South Africa, a hot political issue for many years. The document shows
that while Dr Meyer was simultaneously head of the SABC and of the
Broederbond, he headed the Commission of lnquiry into television in South
Africa. More important, he in-formed the Broederbond on his findings before
passing them on to the Government and Parliament.
After the Slrnday Times published information about the SABC's
Broederbond connection there were two fascinating reactions. The first was
official, in the form of a letter of complaint to the newspaper from the
SABC public relations department's Mr Andre Walters. Among other things he
wrote: "The SABC, in the selection of the nature and contents of its
programmes, is under the control of its board as determined by the
Broadcasting Act and we challenge you to prove that its programmes are
subject to consistent influence by ominous, menacing, subversive or
col-lusive outside persons, organisations or pressures."
The first point to make is that the Broadcasting Act, by the nature
of the Broederbond's position of power in the South African Cabinet,is a
Broederbond-sanctioned piece of legislation.
Whether the Broederbond's undeniable influence in the SABC's affairs is
ominous, menacing, subversive or collusive can only be a matter of
subjective judgement.
The second reaction came in the form of telephone calls and
conversations with other SABC employees who were disap-pointed that more
names of members in the corporation were not exposed. The authors were told
that many more people, particu-larly in top positions in the radio and
television news services of the corporation, were Broederbonders. Altogether
there are, at latest cost, 49 Broederbonders involved in broadcasting in
South Africa.
The South African Railways, the largest single employer in South
Africa, is also under the control of a Broederbonder general manager, J G H
Loubser. The SAR's Financial Manager, Dr E L
Grove, is also a member. There are 221 railways and airways Broeders.
Dr Ampie Roux, chairman of South Africa's Atomic Energy Board, is an
important Broeder. With constant speculation that
-,
South Africa is technically capable of developing nuclear capability, Dr
Roux's position takes on added significance. In any event, his position is a
major one in South African affairs. Iscor, the semi-State Iron and Steel
Corporation, also has tremendous strategic importance for South Africa. Six
of its board members are Broeders. They arc the chairman, Mr Tommy
Muller, Mr J P Coetzee, Mr P K Hoogendyk, Dr M D Marais, Professor H J
Samuels and Mr J J Vermooten. The top position in the Electricity Supply
Commission (Escom) is also held by a Broeder, Dr R L Stras-zacker. Mr T W de
Jongh, Governor of the South African Reserve Bank, is also a member.
As we have mentioned, another leading member of the Broe-derbond is
Mr D P de Villiers, managing director of Sasol, the corporation that
produces oil from coal - an organisation of enor-mous importance to South
Africa facing constant threats of oil boycotts.
Afrikanerdom's large business undertakings are also generally under
Broederbond patronage. The big Afrikaner financial com-bine of Sanlam is
headed by Broeder Dr A D Wassenaar. The for-mer managing director, Mr Pepler
Scholz who retired recently, is a Broeder and so is his successor, Dr Fred
du Plessis. Dr P E Rous-seau, chairman of another Afrikaans finance house,
Federale Volksbeleggings, is also a Broeder.
Afrikanerdom's Press barons are also members of the organis-ation.
They are Mr Marius Jooste, the head of the huge Perskor group which, apart
from its newspapers, handles a large slice of the South African Government's
printing contracts and Mr D P deVilliers, the head of the Nasionale Pers
group.
The Broederbond has an abiding passion for control of education
because of the obvious advantages this holds for any organis-ation wishing
to influence the lives and minds of young people. Consequently its
representation in the top echelons of all the Afrikaans universities in
South Africa is extremely strong. The list includes the following: ??Rand
Afrikaans University - former chancellor, the late Dr Nic Diederichs (former
State President of South Africa); rector and vice-chancellor, Professor
Gerrit Viljoen (number 6197 and present chairman of the Broederbond);
chairman of the council, Dr Piet Meyer (a former Broederbond chairman);
vice-chair-man of council, Dr R L Straszacker; former vice-principal for
business administration, Mr R S de la Bat.
14
??University of Stellenbosch - chancellor, Mr John Vorster (the. former
Prime Minister); vice-chancellor and chairman of council, the Reverend J S
Gericke (number 1999 and a top executive in the Nederduitse Gercformeerde
Kerk); rector, Professor J N de Villicrs.
??University of Pretoria - chancellor, Dr Hilgaard Muller (former
Minister of Foreign Affairs); principal, Professor E M Ham-man;
vice-principal, Professor A N Pelzer (number 3381); chairman of council, Dr
S M Naude (number 233).
??Uni;ersity of Potchcfstroom - chancellor, Mr Jan de Klerk (number 2490 and
former president of the Senate); principal, Professor Tjaart van der Walt.
??University of Port Elizabeth - chancellor, Dr Anton Rupert; chairman of
council, Dr A D Wassenaar; principal, Professor E J Marais (number 4955 and
a member of the Broederbond Executive Council).
??University of the Orange Free State - chancellor, Professor B Kok (a
Broederbond Executive Councillor); principal, Profes-sor W L Mouton;
chairman of council, Dr S J Naude.
15
The surviving white rectors of "non-white" universities are members, as were
those who have been replaced by blacks. They include:
??The rector of the University of Durban-Westville (for Indians),
Professor S P Olivier (number 6991).
? The rector of the University of Fort Hare (for blacks), Professor J
M de Wet.
??Professor J A Mare (number 5340), the former rector of the
University of Zululand.
??Professor J L Boshoff, former rector of the University of the
North.
??The former rector of the University of the Western Cape, Pro-
fessor C J Kriel.
These are some of the elite, the enormously influential brokers of power in
South Africa. It is through the patronage of men like these that, after 1963
and 1964, the two most traumatic years of the
organisation's existence, the chairman, Dr Piet Meyer, was able to report:
"The Afrikaner Broederbond continues to show it is still the organisation
that exercises the greatest influence among
Afrikaners." He went on to spur the organisation to greater efforts to
make a positive contribution to the "security of the Republic of South
Africa as a white man's country."2
Dr Meyer's proud assertion of the organisation's influence is
re-vealing. In the secrecy of internal communication with fellow members he
placed a value on the organisation's importance which is invariably denied
in public. Its response to accusations that it exerts influence at all is
invariably one of injured innocence. When the allegation is made that it
exerts political influence, its re-buttals become even more shrill. But a
detailed examination of the organisation's history and record in the public
affairs of South Africa will soon reveal that this is very much a matter of
"met-hinks she doth protest too much".
The organisation itself provides ample evidence within its secret
documents that it has been closely involved in every major politi-cal
development in South Africa and also that its links with the National Party
are intimate and inseparable. At the Bondsvaad mee-ting held on April 6
1972, a general election year in South Africa, the members heard a paper on
Ons Task op Staatkundige Terrein
(Our Task in the Constitutional Field). The document begins with the
peculiar form of "double-speak" the organisation has evolved. This is a
cynical ploy whereby the organisation, with pious innoc-
16
ence, always declares that it is above party politics and may not in- volve
itself in political or clerical matters.
It is, however, nothing more than a safety valve to be used in
emergency. If the organisation comes under suspicion, and is under such
pressure that it must submit to investigation, it can hastily produce
documentary evidence that it has declared politics, among other things, "out
of bounds". But its own documentation
exposes the transparency of its claims. "That our organisation stands
outside party politics does not, however, mean that our or-ganisation . .
.has no task and duty in connection with organised endeavour on the other
areas of life. Our members are, and indeed should be, simultaneously active
members of their own Afrikaans churches and of their own national-political
party and must con-tinue to receive leadership from our organisation - that
also goes for our church and party in regard to our cultural field. It is
so, and should always remain so, that cultural leaders are at the same time
church and political leaders; that political leaders are simultane-ously
cultural and church leaders; and that church leaders are like-wise cultural
and political leaders. Although our organisation stands outside organised
party politics, there is nothing to prevent it from co-operating with any
political party, even a ruling non-national political party, for the
promotion of our Afrikaans-
cultural ideals. That especially implies that our organisation will continue
to remain in the closest contact with the leaders of our own
national-political organisation and will co-operate intimately with them . .
. thereby ensuring that the Afrikaner's cultural struggle is also
politically assured. While a nation's form of government is also an inherent
part of its culture, it is obvious that a cultural organisation will
directly involve itself therewith.
"Therefore, it was from the beginning an important objective of our
organisation to strive for a peculiar Republican form of government in our
country. We are giving constant attention to a greater historical-Afrikaans
content to our form of government.3 Our organisation has, from its formation
onwards, had to do with the constitutional-political terrain. It was set as
the general duty of our organisation on the political front that our members
should continue to strive to combat Afrikaner division in this area, and to
achieve and promote the greatest possible national-political unity.
"In the years of fusion, when there was serious political division
among Afrikaner nationalists, we began to recruit leading national
Politicians as members of our organisation, namely Dr D F Malan,
J G Strijdom, Dr NJ van der Merwe, C R Swart, H F Verwoerd
and others. In these years our organisation propagated clearly and
powerfully the Republican ideal as the most important medium for Afrikaner
unity on the constitutional domain."
The document then deals with attacks on it by Generals Hertzog and
Smuts until "in 1948, with the change of government by the National Party,
under the leadership of Dr D F Malan, a staunch
co-operation came into being between the Afrikaner Broederbond and the
Broeder-leaders of the party. This co-operation already existed during the
war years (1939-1945) with the support that our organisation gave to the
attempts to overcome the serious div-isions of nationalist Afrikaners.
"The big reunifying gathering at Monument Koppie (at the cli-max of
the 1938 Oxwagon Trek) was organised by our organis-ation. Our organisation
also initiated the Unity Committee (Een-heidskomitee). In addition the
Executive Council formed a Policy Committee, which drew up a Republican
constitution for ourcountry. Our political leaders were also represented in
this.
"During the Prime Ministership of Advocate J G Strijdom, we
co-operated with the National Party to develop South Africa as quickly as
possible towards a Republic. At a special annual meet-
ing, where Advocate Strijdom took part, the basis and form of the coming
Republic was thoroughly thrashed out. It was, however, Dr H F Verwoerd, who
was for a long time a member of our Executive Council, who called in the
active co-operation of our organisation when he, as Prime Minister, decided
to call a referen-dum for or against our becoming a Republic. We not only
used our funds to elicit public support for the Republic, but also used the
powers of our own members, and of outside supporters, to this end.
"As a result of hostile reaction engendered against our
organis-ation, particularly by Freemasons within the ranks of the National
Party, we co-operated with Dr Verwoerd in allowing the estab-lishment of a
judicial investigation into the activities of secret or- ganisations. In the
report of the judge concerned, our organisation was acquitted of any form of
illegitimate behaviour and activity, particularly in connection with
interference in party political mat-ters (not strictly true: the commission
did not investigate this as-
pect, see Chapter 17).
"Our staunch and intimate co-operation with our national pol-itical
leaders was continued when Advocate John Vorster became our new Premier. We
did everything in our power to prevent a
small group of nationalists from forming their own party in oppo-sition to
the National Party, which is under the leadership of members of our
organisation. And where some of our own news-papers tried to wage their own
campaign in this matter, we tried to keep the split as confined as possible.
"Our organisation has, as in the case of our former national
pre-miers, closely liaised with Advocate Vorster on all matters of great
significance for the Afrikaner and which directly touch our nation as a
language and cultural community. Not only his door, but those of all the
members of his Cabinet, continuously stood wide open to use in this regard.
Requests for support for specific mat-ters have never fallen on deaf ears.
"In all the mentioned Nationalist Prime Ministerships, our
or-ganisation experienced the closest co-operation and sympathetic support
for matters affecting the future of our nation. We name only the important
ones: The Afrikaner's responsibility, role and place in the civil service,
or semi-civil service: with the help of our own political leaders, success
was achieved in opening the way to the top of these services . . . for
culture-conscious Afrikaners.
There were no longer any obstacles for qualified and hard-work-ing
Afrikaners to reach the highest posts in all the State and quasi-State
services. With the sympathetic understanding of our political
leaders, the good Afrikaans businessman could tackle the road ahead with
greater confidence as a result of our organisation's struggle for complete
equal rights. The result of this was greater participation by the Afrikaner
in the private business life of our country, although his disadvantage
continues to give concern today.
"Perhaps the most important fruit of mutual consultation and
co-operation is our progress in the educational field in the interest of the
children of our nation. Afrikaans mother-language schools, which, undet our
Nationalist government, came into their own, indeed form the basis . . .
of our survival as a separate language-cultural national community. In
addition, mutual co-operation also led to the development of a complete
national education sys-tem for our country - surely one of the greatest
national-political achievements of our time.
"Our organisation also placed its resources fully at the disposal of
our political leaders for the consistent execution of our policy of separate
development. It is not possible, within the framework of this short
exposition, to fully reflect our contribution in this con-nection. This
concerns not only theoretical contributions, but practical actions which are
not even yet fully calculable. I mention only two in this connection, namely
the contributions of SABRA and of Radio Bantu, in which our members play a
large role.
"In the most recent period, concerning our multi-national sports
policy, we have made a special contribution in organising this important
matter in the interests of our country and all its national groups, and that
on the basis of our policy of separate de-velopment.
"A matter which also continues to demand the closest co-oper-ation
of our organisation and our national-political action, is the need for
continued immigrant contributions to the full de-velopment of our national
economy. Without a powerful expan-sion of our national economy, our
independent survival, as well as the execution of our policy of separate
development, will come into serious jeopardy.
"On the other hand, we must be extremely careful that our own
national composition, nature and character, as well as our own re-ligious
attitude, are not permanently damaged by immigration. Our organisation acts
strongly and purposefully in this regard. We also continue to enjoy the
support of our political friends in this connection. The naturalisation of
immigrants into our own com-munity is, for our organisation, of the highest
priority.
"Dozens of other national-political matters in which we keep
ourselves busy, are invariably summed up in our annual reports.
"Our current task in the constitutional field flows particularly
from the fact that many Afrikaner nationalists recently have begun either to
lose their enthusiasm for our language-cultural and national-political
action, or are becoming so ensnared in petty per-sonal grudges, that they
are losing sight of the greater Afrikaner
cause. According to a very reliable calculation, 70000 Afrikaner
nationalists in the Transvaal did not vote for Nationalist candi-dates in
1970. Of them, 33000 voted for the Herstigte Nasionale Party, 15 000 for the
United Party, while 22 000 abstained. That apart, about 7 to 10 per cent of
urban Afrikaners and between 15 and 20 per cent of rural Afrikaners in the
Transvaal continue to vote for the United Party.
"It is not the task of our organisation and besides we are not in a
position, to analyse this situation correctly and thoroughly - what is our
task is to stimulate the enthusiasm of culture-conscious
Afrikaners for our national-political action in the interest of our nation's
own and separate survival, and to help overcome political division in our
own ranks. It is self evident that any effective co-operation we can give in
this regard, can and must be with the leaders of the ruling National Party.
Not only are the members of the current Cabinet, with one or two exceptions,
members of our organisation, but they are also the purveyors of our close
mutual co-operation on the national-political front since 1948.
"As far as the Herstigte Nasionale Party is concerned, the Executive
Council made it clear from the foundation of this party, which took place
under leadership of certain of our members, that our organisation denies no
member the right to have his own opinion on party political matters, or to
join a political party of his own choice, as long as he does not, as a
result, come into conflict with our Bond's basis, spirit, policy and
objectives. And, where the Executive Council took disciplinary action
against a member, it did so not on the grounds of his membership of a
particular party or group, but because of his own individual actions, if
they were in conflict with his personal undertakings of our organis-ation.
"Our most recent task in the constitutional field was, therefore,
also to try to prevent the establishment of a second national-politi-cal
party. We did not succeed. Thereafter, we did everything in our power to
contain this division as much as possible. It was par-ticularly our job to
prevent this division from being brought into our own organisation. Here we
succeeded to a great extent.
"Against the background of the outlined current situation, it is
clear that we as Afrikaners, especially as members of our organis- ation,
must fill our own people again with enthusiasm for our ex-ceptionally
important national-political action, and . . . in this way demonstrate our
own maximum political unity to the internal and external underminers and
enemies of our country. We must not only now tackle the next election in a
positive manner, but must carry it through under the banner of our unified
Afrikanership, to the biggest-ever N,ationalist victory.
"To do this in the closest co-operation with our political leaders,
our organisation's specific task must include the follow-ing: (a) We must
systematically inculcate into every member, every Afrikaner and especially
our young Afrikaners, the national-political responsibility and duty to
achieve a massive victory in the next election on the basis of united
Afrikaner resources.
(b) We must now inspire the national Afrikaner to give himself a positive
national role, and to desist from the hairsplitting search for reasons for
the birth of the present situation. Our political leaders know better than
us what possible shortcom-ings on an organised national-political level must
be rectified.
(c) As a cultural organisation, it is our particular task to start now to
plan and organise unifying and inspiring cultural functions on a large scale
throughout the country, functions like the Ox-wagon Trek, the Monument
meetings, the language festivals and others from the past. In 1974, it will
be 50 years since our first National government, with its policy of South
Africa
First, came to power - a rule which has been of the greatest significance to
Afrikanerdom, not only politically and econ-omically, but also culturally.
This could, for example, provide good reason for large folk (volk) festivals
before the next elec-tion.
(d) We must fight with all our might and completely eradicate all
old-womanish slander about each other and underhand criti-cism of our
leaders. To speak frankly to each other means to understand each other and
to pool our strengths.
(e) We must marshal1 positively all our communication media tounite and not
divide the Afrikaner's national-political power for the struggle for
survival. In this our leaders must take the initiative . . ."
The most vehement opponent of the Broederbond, seeking to
prove its interference in, and influence on, political affairs in South
Africa, including party political matters, could hardly have drawn up a more
comprehensive indictment than the one which the or-ganisation itself
provides in this document. Another such indict-ment is contained in the
Broederbond document Ons Task Voren-toe (Our Task Ahead) which contains the
following passage:4
"The most important and effective manner of ensuring our white future is to
support with all our resources the current government, under the leadership
of Dr H F Verwoerd, and to help keep it in power for as long as possible, in
so doing not only to repel the left-ist onslaught on our future, but also to
successfully carry our the Transkei undertaking, with which our future is
narrowly bound." The organisation, continues the document, should help
establish the public climate for effective government action in the
so-called
"Cold War", particularly where this involved unorthodox
22
methods. It should also support the government in its attempts to strengthen
the police and defence forces. There are countless other documented examples
of this kind of political involvement by the
Broederbond. Many of them will be fully exposed in this book as it related
the organisation's inexorable advance on behalf of Afrikanerdom and all its
interests.
This ardent purpose presents the organisation with an enor- mous
task, affecting virtually every aspect of South Africa's national life. It
is a function the organisation undertakes with grave determination and
collective dedication on an impressive scale. No project is too big or too
small.
The organisation will apply itself to the problems of why Afrikaans
schoolchildren sing English rugby songs (Circular 7175176 of August 27 1975)
with the same diligence and fervour as it brings to matters of national and
international significance. The Broederbond has achieved its position of
extraordinary influence over South Africa's affairs by skilful manoeuvering,
persistent ap-plication to its task, and sheer dogged hard work. Whether or
not one agrees in principle that such an organisation ought to wield, from
the shelter of absolute secrecy, such tremendous influence on public
affairs; whether or not one agrees with the formulae it pro-pounds as
solutions to the problems of South Africa, one cannot but feel awed by the
scope of its work, the success it has achieved, and the efficiency of its
operations.
How does it operate and how has it been able to achieve so much? The
current chairman, Professor Gerrit Viljoen, described the methods in his
1976 chairman's address to the national con-gress. "We are not an
executive or governing organisation; we do not have the financial means or
the manpower for that. In general, we comprise part-time amateurs and not
full-time experts work-ing only for the AB.
"Our task, therefore, is primarily to negotiate and to work through
the activation, motivation and preparation of our own members, scores of
whom carry high level management and pol-icy responsibilities in their daily
lives, and in this way 'do the AB's work' every day.
"The AB achieves most of its successes, and the greatest of them,
not so much by working organisationally as the AB but far more through the
daily work activities of its network of responsi-
ble, informed and motivated members.
"When expert committees are formed from AB members in
23
/connection with national matters, we usually find that the major-
q ity of key figures in the relevant field are already our people,
have already taken a lead, and are carrying responsibilities."
The organisation has succeeded in capturing major areas of
in-fluence in virtually every sphere of South African life, both in pub-lic
affairs and in the private sector. These are goals for which it has worked
with implacable resolve. It is insatiable in its hunger for influential
positions throughout all strata of society, and is a hard taskmaster
continually pushing and urging its members to extend that influence. The
monthly circular letters are replete with in-structions like the following:
1. "A by-election to fill an Orange Free State vacancy in the
(South African) Medical (and Dental) Council will be held
soon. All doctors can participate. Dr Izak J Venter, a Bloemfon-tein
dermatologist, has been mentioned to us by friends as somebody who ought to
be supported. Secretaries must con-vey this announcement to doctor friends
who are absent when this circular letter is read (Circular 77/77/78 of
September 1
1977).
2. "The attention of friends involved in education in the Trans- vaal is
drawn to the fact that in the new education structure provision is made for
the appointment of a head of department for vocational guidance at each
school.
It is of the utmost importance that these posts which were ad-vertised in
August are manned by teachers with the right atti-tudes, capabilities and
motivation, as is the case with all heads of departments.
In view of the responsibilities of this post, further explanation is
hardly necessary: they encompass religious education, youth preparedness,
the education programme in the hostels, cadets, and visits to the veld
schools. Friends are asked to apply for these key positions (Circular
6/77/78 of August 1 1977).
3. "It is important that Afrikaners working in the newspaper in-dustry are
considered for membership. These people, because of their working
conditions, cannot always take part in public affairs or serve on public
bodies. Their work gives them excep-tional opportunities to exercise
leadership and influence so they merit consideration, especially as they
perform, or can perform, a service to the Afrikaner cause (Circular
5/77/78).
4. "Branches and friends are asked to consider how to attract young people
to Afrikaans organisations like Rapportryers.
24
Various branches have pointed out that promising young Afrikaners
are being recruited by alien organisations like the Rotarians, Round Table
and the Freemasons when they should have been won over to the Afrikaner
cause. Young officers in the Defence Force and the police are often lost to
our cause through recruitment by these organisations. Branches with military
bases in their areas, or where there are significant number of police or
prisons officers, must give at-tention to this (Circular 9/76/77 of October
29 1977).
5. "Following requests from branches, we wish to emphasise the
importance of the right influence in public organisations like municipal
associations and agricultural associations. Friends must strive to ensure
that people with the right attitudes are elected as executives of these
bodies (Circular 5/75/76 of July 1 1975).
6. "It is important that senior officials of Afrikaner business
undertakings and financial institutions render public service in fields
where they can help develop and strengthen Afrikaner interests. Here we
think particularly of local government, where people with a different
outlook from ours often play a major role because Afrikaner businessmen ,are
not available. The Executive Council therefore calls on the appropriate
friends to influence the directorates of large undertakings in this
direction (Circular letter 4/75/76 of June 2 1975)."
Not only is the Bond's quest for influence insatiable, so is its hunger for
information. It is never content merely to postulate theories or
solutions. Intense investigation is its hallmark. "Our task is not only the
formulation of policy but, even more so, the discovery of the best methods
of carrying through proven policy at all levels and in all fields. This
demands intensive and co-ordi-nated scientific research, sophisticated
testing of methods, and their expert application" (Extraordinary circular of
May 4 1961).
The Executive Council always comprises top people in a diver-sity of
fields, and can draw upon a vast reservoir of highly trained experts on any
aspect of the nation's life. They constantly form
think-tanks and hold brainstorming sessions on virtually every subject
imaginable: "Recently 14 work groups were constituted from 156 members
representing the best brainpower, not only in South Africa but in the whole
world, on virtually every aspect of
life" (Extraordinary circular of June 12 1963).
So, in his last year as chairman, Dr Piet Meyer, head of the
25
South African Broadcasting Corporation, was able to report to the 1972
Broederbond National Congress: "To a greater or lesser ex-tent the following
matters were also given attention: the Associ-ation of Rhodesian Afrikaners,
our relations with the Chinese and Japanese, liaison with Broeders abroad,
South Africa's position ab- road, methods whereby Afrikaner unity can be
promoted and strengthened, the role of the State President and his public
activi-ties, constitutional relationships, the closing of the Heidelberg
Training College, the American Field Service, the United States-South Africa
Leadership Exchange Programme, the introduction of off-course totalisator
boards in the Transvaal, the marked in-crease in snobbishness among
Afrikaners, the Afrikaner worker, road safety, the Southern Cross Fund, the
Springbok Legion, the so-called necessary lie.
"Brochures were compiled on our Christian national viewpoint and the
basis and objectives of our struggle, the executive arts, coloured voting
rights in municipal elections, the University of South Africa, municipal
affairs, us and our church, etc.
"Study papers and documents on the following subjects, among others,
were circulated from time to time: the Publications Con-trol Board and its
work, South Africa's capital requirements in the coming years, labour
integration in South Africa, the administra-tion of the AB, the attacks on
the AB, the influence of foreign in-vestment in South Africa, Indian
education, Bantu education, Bantu population in white areas, the greetings
and handshakes of the non-whites, the sports policy, sport and the current
campaign against South Africa, parallel development as a guarantee of the
future of the coloured people, who are the coloured people, our
re-lationship with the coloured people, self-protection in a hostile
world, pop music and the South African Broadcasting Corpora-tion, the
National Union of South African Students, the stranger in our midst, the
agricultural industry in perspective, the import-ance of local authorities."
This list reveals a remarkable degree of foresight anticipating the problem
areas looming on the South African horizon.
The year 1972 was a watershed for South Africa. After a boom-decade,
the Republic was about to go into a dramatic slide, econ-mically,
politically and internationally. Yet even in the days of heady prosperity
and plenty, the organisation was paying atten-tion to the vulnerable areas;
preparing by study and investigation for the stormy passage ahead.
26
By 1972 sport was feeling the pinch of international isolation:
the Broederbond was studying South Africa's sports policy and the campaign
against it. Sport was to become a major preoccupa-tion for the organisation,
which has been closely involved in the policy modifications that have been
effected over the years (see Chapter 14).
The following year, 1973, saw the oil crisis spread economic gloom
over the Western world, and South Africa felt the early in-timations of lean
years ahead: the Broederbond had already exam-ined the country's capital
requirements for the future.
Three years later, in 1976, Bantu education and the problems of
urban blacks exploded onto the national and international scene in a
horrifying outbreak of protracted violence in the black town-
ships, particularly Soweto. The Broederbond had looked at the education
policy (stated by the leaders of the riots to have been the cause of the
rising), and the question of blacks in "white" areas.
In the wake of the riots, international attention was focused even
more closely on South Africa. By 1977 President Carter was in the White
House and human rights was the issue of the day. The South African
Government's harsh security clampdown in October that year, the
widespread detention and banning of people and organisations, and the death
in detention of black con-sciousness leader Steve Biko, followed in rapid
succession, evok-ing bitter condemnation from the West and a determination
to do something positive.
Sanctions and further isolation from the international community
faced South Africa and the Broederbond had already investigated the
influence of foreign investment in South Africa and the question of
self-defence in a hostile world. In his 1972 report Dr Meyer had sounded an
early warning, saying: "It appears that South Africa's position in
international politics is not generally ap-preciated."
The question of the coloured people's place in South African society
could be deferred no longer. South Africa needed to show the world at least
some measure of progress towards solving its race problems. Late in 1977 the
ruling National Party announced a major departure from the Westminster
system of Government to a de Gaulle-style presidency in which coloured and
Asian people would have a direct role; the Broederbond had been particularly
active in connection with the coloured issue in 1972.
This, like sport, was a major matter that was to involve the
Broederbond intimately. The Government response to the Erika Theron
Commission of Inquiry into the Coloured People and the proposals to change
South Africa's constitution were issues to which the Broederbond applied
particular study and energy, and over which it wielded tremendous influence
(see Chapter 10).
All this investigation does not go to serve some esoteric,
intro-spective Broederbond purpose. It is used for the South African
Government. The Executive Council is in close and regular con-tact with the
Cabinet and through its research, provides early warnings in important areas
of national and international policy.
In his 1972 report, Dr Meyer told the Broederbond national
congress:"We have worked in the period just past to maintain the closest
liaison with Broeders in responsible circles. To this end we have held
discussions from time to time with such Broeders at full meetings of the
Executive Council.
"Apart from that, delegations have been formed to put specific
problems to leading Broeders . . . It is obvious that the Executive
Council cannot expect its requests to be implemented in every in-
stance. The Executive responsibility remains with our Broeders charged with
specific tasks and answerable to the highest authority.
"The Executive Council would like to express sincere gratitude to
the Prime Minister and the Broeders in his Cabinet for their readiness to
receive delegations from our organisation.
"The relationship between the Executive Council and our Broeders in
responsible circles was never better than it is now."
There can be little doubt that it is due at least in part to this
re- lationship, and to the Broederbond's function as an early warning
system, that Government spokesmen were able to say "We were prepared" when
issues such as international pressure began to im-pact on South Africa. The
chairman's summary of the events of 1975 (Circular 1 l/75/76 of February 4
1976) shows that the organ-isation remained involved in vital issues of the
day.
Professor Viljoen again mentions "regular discussions at high
level" and lists some of the subjects to which the organisation at- tended:
the detente policy, relations with Rhodesia, the removal of unnecessary
discrimination, shifts in the sports policy on the inter-national front, the
Turnhalle Conference in South West Afri-ca/Namibia,5 security matters, the
education crisis, progress with separate development (particularly
development of the home-lands), the coloured question.
28
The detente policy provides another example of the Broederbond using
its expert members to provide information to the Government on matters of
crucial importance, and again high-lights the very close working
relationship between the organis-ation and the Government.
The previous monthly circular letter (10/75/76 of February 3 1976)
contains the chairman's report on discussions with "friends in responsible
circles" about the detente policy. He describes the pressure under
which the South African team had to operate."Of-ten decisions with
far-reaching implications have to be taken amid great uncertainty and risks.
There can be no waiting or postpone-ment to reach absolute certainty or
greater clarity. There simply has to be progress; decisions and choices have
to be made.
"In order to provide our members with the necessary expert in-
formation, the Executive Council has decided to establish a special
committee on foreign relations, particularly on relations with Africa." This
committee would collate information, analyse it, formulate strategy
suggestions, and pass on valuable tactical infor-mation to the Prime
Minister and his detente team.
A picture emerges of an organisation whose activities extend far
beyond the realms of purely cultural endeavour to which it claims to confine
itself. Broederbond documents show clearly that the or-ganisation also
involves itself and its members in party political matters. If it is
axiomatic that the objectives of a political party are to assume power, and
once in power to retain it, then the National Party in South Africa has a
very valuable asset in the Broederbond. Although the organisation's
constitution excludes party politics, the general aims of the organisation -
furthering the interests of Afrikanerdom - provide a convenient rationale
for supporting the National Party on the ground that, politically, it is the
best agent for the purpose.
"It is obvious that we also guard the interests of the Afrikaner on
the political front. We must be actively involved in the routine
or-ganisation and activities ofthe political party and so enable the
stand-points and ideals of the Afrikaner to work their way through . . .
"But we want to add this: we call ourselves Afrikaners aware of our
calling. If our members exclude themselves from politics on the pretext of
being concerned with cultural matters they will in practice be neglecting
their cultural concerns to an extent, because a nation's politics is a part
of its culture"(Circular 2/74/75 of March 22 1974).
This provides part of the explanation for the Broederbond's continued
existence as a secret organisation of fundamental importance to South
African politics. It has been contended - both within the organisation and
outside - that with the National Par-ty's accession to power in 1948, and
the advent of republic in 1961, the Broederbond has completed its programme.
Whether or not the National Party per se played any role in convincing the
organ-isation otherwise, its decision to remain cloaked in secrecy must have
caused heartfelt relief in party circles.
The Broederbond in fact performs a significant role in keeping the
National Party in power. There is documentary evidence that the local
branches of the Broederbond take it upon themselves, as an official part of
their work programme, to help the National Party during elections.6
There is also evidence of the Executive Council urging Broeders to
work for the party. "Friends are again requested to involve themselves
actively in the National Party organisation. That is the most effective and,
in fact, the only way in which influence can be exercised in the nomination
of candidates. Members of our organ-isation should play an active role, as
members of the party, for the duration of the election" (Circular 6/69/70 of
September 2 1969).
But, important as this is, it is not the organisation's most useful
feature where the National Party is concerned: the organisation also
provides the Government with its own private and, more im-
portant, secret opinion poll. Just as Western politicians regularly use
opinion polls to check the grassroots feelings of the electorate, so does
the National Party use the Broederbond. The unique ad-vantage in this case
is that the Government has at its disposal as a sounding board for any
proposed policy innovations a stream-lined, highly disciplined organisation
of nearly 12000 members representing the main body of its support, and
covering the broad-est possible spectrum of interest groups.
It works quickly and efficiently, costs the Government nothing, and
is secret. This works in several ways: some of the study docu-ments sent out
by the Executive Council to the general Broeder-bond membership are drawn up
specifically to guage the reaction of the members.'
On important policy matters this system provides "friends in
responsible circles" with quick access to 12000 confidential opinions.
Another way it performs this function is through ques-tionnaires on specific
subjects. This was explained in a detailed Broederbond document OUY
Organisation, circulated in June 1974.
Under a sub-heading "Activities and Work Methods of the Executive Council"
it says: "As far as is practical, opinion polls on specific subjects
will be provided more often by the distribution of short questionnaires to
branches and even individual members. The results of such studies will be
made known to the branches by the Executive Council and will be used in
representations to friends in responsible circles."
Both these methods were used to supply the Government with detailed
information on the sports policy and the coloured issue. It is, of course,
doubly valuable. While it is of enormous value to the Government to have
this secret facility available, it also provides the organisation with a
formidable weapon. If it wants to initiate changes or innovations, or
prevent them, it can bring this considerable bargaining counter to the
conference table, further strengthening its already well-stocked arsenal as
a pressure-group extraordinary in South Africa.
Similar benefits accrue from the organisation's national congresses,
held every two years. These take a form similar to politi-cal party
congresses in the sense that they pass resolutions on major aspects of
public policy such as education, foreign affairs,finance, agriculture,
defence and internal security. They also, of course, handle internal
matters, such as organisational affairs, cul-tural and work programmes,
finances and the election of the Executive Council.
Cabinet Ministers attend these congresses and take careful note of
the attitudes, criticisms and trends. This has the double effect of
providing the Government with secret access to candid and often outspoken
opinions and at the same time adding one more link to the organisation's
chain of influence.
1. The third, the late Dr Nice Diederichs, was also a member and one-time
chairman of the Broederbond. T E D" fore his death, was also a member.onges,
who was State President-elect be-
2. Sekretariele Verslag van die Uitvoerende Raad oor die tydperk 1 Maart
1963 tot 28 Februaric 1%5, p 27.
3. This envisaged giving executive power to the State President, as was the
case of the presidents of the former Boer Republics.
It is a tribute to the organisation's influence that this is part of the new
constitutional proposals to be in-troduced in South Africa at the turn of
the decade.
4. Ons Task Vorentoe, p 13.
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