-Caveat Lector- A REPUBLIC, NOT AN EMPIRE Table of Contents - With Chapter Quotes By Patrick J. Buchanan Regnery Publishing, Inc. CONTENTS Preface PART ONE: AMERICA REACHES FOR GLOBAL HEGEMONY Chapter 1 How Empires Perish I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no other way of judging the future but by the past. - PATRICK HENRY, 1774 Chapter 2 Courting Conflict with Russia He who wants to defend everything defends nothing, and he who wants to be everyone's friend has no friends in the end. - FREDERICK THE GREAT The price of empire is America's soul and that price is too high. - J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT Chapter 3 America's Future Wars The commonest error in politics is sticking to the carcasses of dead policies. - LORD SALISBURY You don't need today's defense budget to defend the United States; you need today's defense budget to lead the world. - NEWT GINGRICH Chapter 4 The Myth of American Isolationism Our first and fundamental maxim should be never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe; our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle in cisatlantic affairs. - THOMAS JEFFERSON, 1823 PART TWO: 1789-1823: INDEPENDENCE AND EXPANSION Chapter 5 Birth of an American Foreign Policy The distinctions between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers, New Englanders are no more. I am not a Virginian, but an American! - PATRICK HENRY, 1774 Chapter 6 "Mr. Madison's War" A Nation, despicable by its weakness, forfeits even the privilege of being neutral. - ALEXANDER HAMILTON, THE FEDERALIST, No. 11 Chapter 7 How We Took Florida Diplomacy without power is feeble, and power without diplomacy is destructive and blind. - HANS J. MORGENTHAU We must have the Floridas and Cuba. - THOMAS JEFEERSON, 1809 PART THREE: 1845-1869: MANIFEST DESTINY Chapter 8 "Jimmy Polk's War" [It is] the right of our manifest destiny to overspread and to possess the whole of the continent which Providence has given us for the development of the great experiment in liberty and federative self-government entrusted to us. - JOHN L. O'SULLIVAN, New York Editor, 1845 Chapter 9 "One War at a Time" Who does not see, then, that... the Pacific Ocean, its shores, its islands, and the vast regions beyond, will become the chief theatre of events in the world's great hereafter? - WILLIAM H. SEWARD, 1852 PART FOUR: 1898-1919: THE TURNING POINT Chapter 10 "Splendid Little War" The great nations are rapidly absorbing for their future expansion and their present defense all the waste places of the earth... As one of the great nations of the world the United States must not fall out of the line of march. - SENATOR HENRY CABOT LODGE, 1895 We are face to face with a strange destiny. The taste of empire is in the mouth of the people even as the taste of blood in the jungle. It means an imperial policy, the Republic renascent, taking her place with the armed nations. - WASHINGTON POST, 1898 Chapter 11 The New Imperialists Nothing in all history had ever succeeded like America, and every American knew it. - HENRY STEELE COMMAGER Chapter 12 "He Kept Us Out of War" We are participants, whether we would or not, in the life of the world. The interests of all nations are our own also. - WOODROW WILSON, May 27, 1916 Chapter 13 "Wilson's War" [T]he day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. - WOODROW WILSON, April 2, 1917 If any question why we died, Tell them, because our fathers lied. - RUDYARD KIPLING PART FIVE: 1921-1941: TRIUMPH OF THE INTERVENTIONISTS Chapter 14 Disarmament Decade A closer examination of the so-called isolationists of the Nineteen-Twenties reveals that many of them were in fact busily engaged in extending American power. - WILLIAM APPLEMAN WILLIAMS, 1956 Chapter 15 The Zeal of the Convert We have torn up 150 years of traditional American foreign policy. We have tossed Washington's Farewell Address into the discard. We have thrown ourselves squarely into the power politics and the power wars of Europe, Asia and Africa. We have taken the first step upon a course from which we can never hereafter retreat. - SENATOR ARTHUR H. VANDENBERG, MARCH 11, 1941 Chapter 16 Back Door to War For a long time I have believed that our best entrance into the war would be by way of Japan... And, of course, if we go to war against Japan, it will inevitably lead us to war against Germany. - SECRETARY OF INTERIOR HAROLD L. ICKES, OCTOBER 18, 1941 PART SIX: 1945-1989: TWILIGHT STRUGGLE Chapter 17 America's Longest War >From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has > descended across the Continent. - WINSTON CHURCHILL, 1946 We will bury you. - NIKITA KHRUSHCHEV, 1956 PART SEVEN: A FOREIGN POLICY FOR AMERICA Chapter 18 "Passionate Attachments" and Press Power The power of the press in America is a primordial one. It sets the agenda of public discussion; and this sweeping political power is unrestrained by any law. It determines what people will talk about and think about -- an authority that in other nations is reserved for tyrants, priests, parties and mandarins. - THEODORE H.WHITE, 1972 Chapter 19 Claimants to Kennan's Legacy If there's no Cold War, what's the point of being an American? - RABBIT ANGSTROM Chapter 20 A Republic, Not an Empire America is not to be Rome or Britain. It is to be America. - CHARLES A. BEARD, 1939 [W]e must consider first and last the American national interest. If we do not, if we construct our foreign policy on some kind of abstract theory of our rights and duties, we shall build castles in the air. We shall formulate policies which in fact the nation will not support with its blood, its sweat, and its tears. - WALTER LIPPMANN, 1943 Notes Acknowledgments Index ------------------------- end --------------------- Dear Brigade, "As for 'isolationism' the term is a dismissive slur on a tradition of U.S. independence in foreign policy and nonintervention in foreign wars... Why, I wondered, is this great tradition so reviled? After all, it was under the policies now derided as "isolationism" and "protectionism" that Americans, in a single century, expelled all French, British, Spanish, and Russian power from our continent to become the most powerful and secure republic the world had ever seen..." -- from A Republic, Not an Empire by Pat Buchanan FYI: I have most of the pages set up in our new section on "A Republic, Not an Empire", including: the Preface; 1st Chapter; News and Reviews, Brigade Reviews and Commentary; Book Tour Schedule; and more. Check it out at: http://www.gopatgo2000.org/000-p-books-rne.html Next up: Table of Contents with Pat's chapter header quotes and a Amazon.com link and additional purchasing info. I'm also adding pages for PJB's other books "The Great Betrayal" and "Right from the Beginning" which are still available from your local bookseller and Amazon. I hope to have all of it completed by tomorrow. Below is the Preface to the book. GO PAT GO!!!!!!!!!!!! Linda -------------------------------------------------- A REPUBLIC, NOT AN EMPIRE - Preface by Patrick J. Buchanan Regnery Publishing, Inc. The idea for A Republic, Not an Empire came out of my year long campaign for the GOP nomination in 1996. From March 1995 through the California primary, I sought to persuade my party that the course on which America had embarked was replicating, with alarming exactitude, the course that brought the British Empire to ruin. The free-trade-uber-alles policy of the administration, and its compulsive interventionism, I argued, violated America's greatest traditions and followed a course that had been repudiated and rejected by its greatest men. What was most heartening about that campaign was the respectful and extensive coverage my ideas received in the mainstream media. What was most frustrating was to discover in my own party a reflexive hostility to any dissent on foreign policy, or any suggestion there might be a wiser trade policy than the unilateral industrial disarmament that travels under the passport of "global free trade." Repeatedly, I found that my arguments were not being refuted, but airily dismissed as "isolationism" or "protectionism:' This suggested to me that millions of Americans are oblivious to their own country's history and heritage. The propagandists in the educational establishment have done their work well. For not only was the party of Lincoln, McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, Taft, and Coolidge born and bred in protectionism, it was defiantly and proudly protectionist. Moreover, the economic nationalism that carried Lincoln to the presidency was rooted in the ideas that Washington, Hamilton, and Madison had taken to Philadelphia and written into the American Constitution, and that Henry Clay had refined to create "The American System" that was the marvel of mankind. As for "isolationism' the term is a dismissive slur on a tradition of U.S. independence in foreign policy and nonintervention in foreign wars that is forever associated with Washington's Farewell Address, Jefferson's admonition against "entangling alliances," and John Quincy Adams's Independence Day Speech of 1821 declaring that it was neither America's duty nor its destiny to go "abroad in search of monsters to destroy." Not until our twenty-fifth president, McKinley, would that tradition be broken with our annexation of the Philippines. Following Wilson's failure at Versailles, nonintervention in foreign wars was again declared policy for both parties until after the election of 1940. Why, I wondered, is this great tradition so reviled? After all, it was under the policies now derided as "isolationism" and "protectionism" that Americans, in a single century, expelled all French, British, Spanish, and Russian power from our continent to become the most powerful and secure republic the world had ever seen. So it was that, after the momentum of our New Hampshire victory failed to carry us over the top in Arizona-against Mr. Forbes's millions and Mr. Dole's "push polls" and attack ads-I decided to write a book to explain and defend the ideas that animated the Buchanan Brigades. After a year, I sent a 185,000-word manuscript to my editor, Fredi Friedman. She called to tell me I had written two books-one on trade policy and one on foreign policy-and that I should divide the manuscript into two books. So I did. After extracting the chapters and subchapters that dealt with the history, theory, and practice of economic nationalism versus free trade, and turning in the final draft of The Great Betrayal, I returned to the basement and the Mac. A Republic, Not an Empire is the product of that second year of nightly labor. As with The Great Betrayal, many will disagree with my analysis and prescription. Yet I believe deeply that the foreign policy I advocate for the twenty-first century is not only right for America, but will also be seen to be right, and will one day be embraced by the entire nation, for a fundamental reason: Present U.S. foreign policy, which commits America to go to war for scores of nations in regions where we have never fought before, is unsustainable. As we pile commitment upon commitment in Eastern Europe, the Balkans, the Middle East, and the Persian Gulf, American power continues to Contract - a sure formula for foreign policy disaster. The day is coming when America's global hegemony is going to be challenged, and our leaders will discover they lack the resources to make good on all the war guarantees they have handed out so frivolously; and the American people, awakened to what it is their statesmen have committed them to do, will declare themselves unwilling to pay the price of empire. A day of reckoning is approaching. It is my hope that the price in blood, treasure, and humiliation America will eventually be forced to pay for the hubris, arrogance, and folly of our reigning foreign policy elites is not, God forbid, war, defeat, and the diminution of this Republic-the fate of every other great nation or empire that set out on this same course. --------------------- end --------------------- Help Pat and the Brigade in our Battle for the White House... Go to: http://www.gopatgo2000.org/000-v-helppat.html Spread the word -- forward this email across the USA! *********************************************** Don't Miss Out - Join the BRIGADE Email List! - Visit: Official WebSite for Patrick J. Buchanan for President Web: http://www.gopatgo2000.org Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Tel: 1-703-734-2700 WebMaster - Linda Muller - [EMAIL PROTECTED] ********************************************** BUCHANAN: THE FORCE THAT WON'T GO AWAY By Albert R. Hunt THE WALL STREET JOURNAL - http://www.wsj.com September 9, 1999 For most of the 1990's the Beltway GOP establishment has been contemptuous of Pat Buchanan. Yet now that the right-wing populist may mount a third party presidential candidacy, these same Buchanan-bashers are apoplectic that he would "sabotage" the Republicans. But that's exactly where Mr. Buchanan is headed. Barring a last minute change of heart-not impossible, caution close associates - he'll move in the next few weeks to seek the nomination of the Reform Party, created in 1995 by Ross Perot. The party's standard bearer stands to get $12.5 million in federal funds for the general election. It is no certainty that Mr. Buchanan will get the nod. Speculation on other possible candidates has included former Connecticut Gov. Lowell Weicker, left-wing movie actor Warren Beatty, right-wing developer Donald Trump and former professional wrestler and Minnesota Gov. Jesse Ventura. That's more diverse than a New York state political ticket. Moreover, a staple of the Reform Party has been to eschew social issues, while Mr. Buchanan has long been identified with hard-right social issues, particularly the right-to-life cause. Finally, there are real political schisms within this fledgling party, starting with the rival Perot and Ventura factions. The Minnesota governor is leery of a Buchanan candidacy. Mr. Perot is privately encouraging Mr. Buchanan to run, though last time he did the same to former Colorado Gov. Dick Lamm, only to cut him off at the knees when he came on board. All that makes anti-Buchananites in the GOP believe this is a match headed for disaster. They better think again. The Buchanan-Reform Party fit is not as unnatural as they hope. Increasingly, Mr. Buchanan's emphasis is on economic nationalism and an America First, neo-isolationist foreign policy. There have been extensive discussions these past few weeks exclusively between Mr. Buchanan, his sister Bay, and Pat Choate, who was Ross Perot's running mate in 1996 and is ardently against free trade. There is common ground here; the Buchanans and Mr. Choate used to meet regularly as far back as 1993 to plot against Nafta and other free trade pacts. Conversations with a half-dozen Reform Party officials around the country reveal some reluctance. "He's a poor fit who would alienate minorities and women," says Larry Redmond, the party chairman in Illinois. But most of the others are more receptive and express support for the economic nationalism and America First foreign policy. "Buchanan's economic views resonate in our party," declares Paul Truax, a Texan who now directs party operations in eight southwestern states. "He does a wonderful job standing up for the American worker," concurs Daron Libby, head of the Reform Party in New Hampshire. They also believe the social issues, chiefly abortion, aren't insurmountable hurdles. They don't expect Mr. Buchanan to alter his long-held views, but would expect that they not be the focus of a third-party effort. More importantly, Mr. Buchanan would have to send the Reform Party a message that went beyond the mere fact that he'll never get the GOP nod. "Pat Buchanan has to address the issues of political reform, to state why the Reform Party would be appropriate for him," says Jackie Salit, a New York political consultant who is writing a book on the party. "There already is a left, a center and a right in the party, but it is not ideologically driven. Buchanan has to appreciate that." This too may not be difficult for Mr. Buchanan. Some of the party's political- reform issues, such as changing the Electoral College, cause Mr. Buchanan's eyes to glaze over. But others, like term limits for politicians and judges, are already on his agenda. Given Mr. Buchanan's experiences in the past several presidential Pat Buchanan elections, he has warmed to the need for campaign-finance reform, a big issue for the Reform Party. Indeed, while this has been a predominantly liberal cause, there is a growing band of conservatives who see the insidious influence of big money drowning out ideas and ideology in American politics. Perhaps more important than any of the specific issues however, is the temperamental collegiality between Mr. Buchanan and the Reform Party. He has been in Washington for three decades but remains an anti-establishment outsider. Mr. Truax proclaims: "We are the party of the disenchanted." Every syllable in Buchanan's message - anti-free trade, anti-Fortune 500, anti-American foreign policy, anti-politician, anti-judiciary - fairly shouts disenchantment. On a more practical level, Mr. Choate and some other Reform Party leaders see a Buchanan candidacy as a way station to eventual political parity. It's critical that the party get at least 5% of the vote in the 2000 presidential election (could Lowell Weicker or Warren Beatty do that?) to keep federal funds for the next election. If they do better, and some talk about 15% to 20%, they envision a party potentially positioned to win the presidency in 2004. For Mr. Buchanan, a Reform Party nomination would be the vehicle, coupled with more means than he's accustomed to, from which to expound his trade and foreign-policy pronouncements. He is now beginning his book tour for a foreign policy sequel to "The Great Betrayal," his 1998 brief for economic- nationalism. In the new book, Mr. Buchanan suggests that America should have stayed out of World War I and passionately defends the America First movement of the 1930s that most historians believe disastrously postponed the country's entry into World War II. Characteristically, he warns that America today "is piling up the kind of commitments that produced the greatest disasters of the 20th Century." To many of us, this is dangerous nonsense. Still, Mr. Buchanan has a thought-out, sincerely-held, cogent world view that doesn't have to be checked and calibrated with consultants and pollsters. With the exception of John McCain, that makes him virtually unique among presidential aspirants. Thus it may well be that a Buchanan candidacy is the only way these important international issues are going to be addressed in the 2000 race. Critical to that, of course would be his inclusion in any general election debates. Just imagine an Al Gore versus George Bush debate as opposed to a Gore-Bush-Buchanan debate. A<>E<>R ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ The only real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking new landscapes but in having new eyes. -Marcel Proust + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + "Believe nothing, no matter where you read it, or who said it, no matter if I have said it, unless it agrees with your own reason and your common sense." --Buddha + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + A merely fallen enemy may rise again, but the reconciled one is truly vanquished. -Johann Christoph Schiller, German Writer (1759-1805) + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + It is preoccupation with possessions, more than anything else, that prevents us from living freely and nobly. -Bertrand Russell + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + "Everyone has the right...to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers." 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