-Caveat Lector- an excerpt from: BETRAYAL - Our Occupation of Germany Arthur D. Rahn Former Chief Editor of Intelligence Office of the Director of Information Control Office of Military Government, Germany Book & Knowledge Warsaw, Poland pps. 237 (no date) out-of-print --[14]-- CHAPTER FOURTEEN Some Concluding Observations "We are not fighting for, and we shall not attain, a Utopia. Indeed, in our own land, the work to be done is never finished. We have yet to realize the full and equal enjoyment of our freedom. So, in embarking on the building of a world fellowship, we have set ourselves a long and arduous task, a task which will challenge our patience, our intelligence, our imagination, as well as our faith." --From speech in New York, October 23, 1944. NOT until I sat down to write this book and reflected on my experience and organized my notes did I realize that what had seemed to me and my friends in Germany to be a chaos of corruption and incompetence had actually been a planned development following a very definite pattern. In fact, it has become increasingly clear that the pattern of events in Germany from 1944 to mid-1947 mirrored in sharp perspective what was happening at home in America. Developments in Germany, too, have paralleled our actions in the United Nations and our relations with the Soviet Union, Greece, Spain, China, Britain, Israel � with the entire world. There are certain clear lessons to be derived from the betrayal in Germany. Above all, I believe our experience in Germany demonstrates that we need to investigate and clarify the striking disparity between what our State Department officials and our President publicly profess (which is frequently what the people of our country actually want, as in the case of the Marshall definition of democracy at the 1947 Moscow Conference) and what our policymakers actually practice. We have seen that while sabotaging the battle against German fascism and the German war menace, our leaders continued to feed the American public with hypocritical pap about their idealistic objectives. Long after they had adopted another, cynical and less desirable (for the American people) policy, they continued prating of the Potsdam Declaration and the original Roosevelt program. Their use of the word "democracy" is a good example of this hypocritical verbal jugglery. Americans sincerely desire the extension and strenthening of democracy at home and abroad. Our businessmen-banker statesmen realize the emotional power of this word and skilfully employ it to justify every kind of action. In their mouths, the word loses its original meaning. In Germany they cleverly coufused[sic] the forms of democracy � elections, in particular � with actual democratic practice and philosophy. The concept of democracy was subtly perverted in a calculated attempt to support anti-democratic or doubtfully democratic forces, as the developments in connection with the first elections in our Zone in January, 1946 demonstrated. Prating democracy only when it suited their special purposes, our policymakers have deliberately overlooked the obvious fact that democracy cannot be established in a nation were sections of the population which benefit from an undemocratic society or stand to lose their special social privileges and economic prerogatives with the establishment or extension of democracy, are allowed sufficient power to enable their regaining control of the state. When, as in the American Zone of Germany, feudal landowners, imperialist, warlike industrialists, authoritarian power-hungry prelates and aggressive and cunning Nazi, leaders are left with their old power and influence, no "democracy" based on the mere institution of democratic forms can long be expected to endure. Our experience in Germany has demonstrated, too, I think, that in democratizing Germany, the "conservatives" who not only did not fight against Hitler but in many cases collaborated with the Fuehrer, cannot be entrusted with the leadership of the nazified nation. They have too much stake in the undemocratic institutions of the past to be chosen to direct the building of a new, free society. We have learned, too, at great cost that except for isolated exceptions, we cannot work with Church leaders since the prelates are allied with the nationalists and reactionaries, and the Catholic Church princes are openly in favor of authoritarianism. Nor is the so-called "democratic middle" for which many of our officials exhibit such tender sympathy, to be relied upon. Talking reform, denazification, democracy and peace, the leaders of the Social Democratic Party and of the Christian Democratic Union � the "middle" in our Zone � in practice forget their brave slogans and follow a policy of constant retreat and compromise. They have veered steadily to the right, catering more and more to the nationalist electorate, opposing the occupation powers, delaying the institution of social and economic reforms or rendering them innocuous' and joining in the stampede for a crusade against the Soviet Union. In an undemocratic, fascist nation, retreat and compromise � characteristic of the "democratic middle" � in the face of the potentially dominant, aggressive forces of reaction is dangerous and is not to be admired or trusted. If Americans agree, as I think they do, that only energetic, courageous leaders with a dynamic, positive program can be entrusted with the task of rooting out the last vestiges of National Socialism and preventing any possible resurgence of reaction, we must carefully analyze our attitude toward the Germans who support such a program and exhibit these indispensable qualifications. In the light of our experience in Germany, it seems to me, we Americans must examine the hysteria about the "red menace" with intelligent, mature objectivity. Even after the death of almost fifty million people and the impoverishment of half the world, many people choose to forget that Hitler's prime weapon in his attainment of dictatorial power was the "bolshevik bogey," which he used to disarm and divide the democratic forces in Germany. Today, assuming the leadership in the fight against communism in Germany (and elswhere), we, too, have fostered a breakdown in the unity of the anti-Nazi forces and have allied ourselves with some of the most vicious anti-democratic elements in the world � the very people against whom we fought in the Great War. In the hands of German and American conservatives, defenders of free enterprise "no matter what or with whom," the crusade against communism has been used to prevent the institution of basic social and economic reforms necessary for the establishment of a firmly entrenched democracy and has resulted in the introduction of a policy of fear accompanied by anti-communist witchhunts and the rejection of a broad range of progressive, anti-fascist institutions and organizations. In the sordid evolution of our oc[c]upation of Germany, it has been clearly demonstrated that the Americans and the Germans who have been screaming most shrilly against the "reds" 'have generally been- the very people who have also rejected the Roosevelt policy and the aims for which most American GIs believed they were fighting. They are the businessmen-banker-officials primarily concerned with safeguarding private investments and securing additional profits. On the other hand, the trade unionists, the Communists, the Kzler and the left-wing Social Democrats, whom they redbait, have shown themselves to be the most reliable bulwark against the anti-democratic elements and the most active forces in the struggle for democratic progress. In any case, even when rejecting the political philosophies ,of these "reds," Americans must reconcile themselves to the fact that the Communist parties are here to stay, that they are growing, that most of their followers are honestly convinced of the communist philosophy, that these parties are respected in Europe as the courageous leaders in the fight against fascism and that they are among the most powerful and dynamic political parties on the continent. Americans must cooperate with the Communists for the elimination of nazi-fascist influences. Finally, and above all, our experience in Germany reveals the close connection between our political policies and the ambitions of our big monopoly interests. The old fight of the American people against the monopolies at home must apparently be waged overseas, too. Determined to find new areas for profit-making, new fields for investment, planning the -reconstruction of a strong reactionary western Germany to act as a new buffer against the Soviet Union, our businessmen-banker policymakers are endangering our future by reviving -the bankrupt philosophy of Munich. Because of this official business-before-country policy, Germany is still a danger spot and everyday is becoming more of a source of international dispute and tension. On the other hand, the door to cooperation with the Soviet Union has never been shut. The worsening of conditions in Germany, in addition, makes the accomplishment of the war ,objectives as concretized in the Postdam Declaration ever more imperative. The denazification, demilitarization and decartellization of Germany are not only necessary for the security of the world but also for the economic well-being of Germany. The political unification of Germany is necessary not merely to curb the dangerous reactionary forces entrenched in separatist Bavaria and other areas but also to revive the moribund -economy of Germany and to permit the firm establishment of a peaceful, united democracy. Thorough democratization is imperative. Land reform, centuries overdue, must be carried through to break the power of the Junkers, to assure the food supply of the nation and to provide homes and land for the new settlers from Eastern Europe. Not through a return to reaction but only through a dynamic democratic resurgence under men of new vision, unhampered by sentimental ties to outworn institutions and ultra-nationalist prejudices, can Germany arise out of the rubble as a great and peace-loving nation. The payment of reparations out of current production means. international recognition of the criminal character of the Hitler-war of aggression and warning to any nations plotting similar adventures. In addition, it will stimulate the development of German consumer industry and peaceful trade relations with Germany's neighbors. International control of the Ruhr is imperative to prevent this rich industrial area from becoming an arsenal for war (and the cause of Germany's own destruction as well as the destroyer of other nations) and to, assist the reconstruction of Europe. Official, unrestricted recognition of the Polish regained territories is important for lessening international tensions. It signifies the final halt to German imperialist pretensions 'and plundering adventures and demonstrates to the German people and to the world that future German international relations must be based on full recognition of the rights and independence of other nations. The development described in this book offers little reason for comfort and no reason for complacency. The struggle for peace and international cooperatio n falls upon the entire American people united with all the hundreds of millions throughout the world who do not want war. Only by electing an administration responsive to the will and solicitous of the best interests of the majority of Americans, can we hope to regain our self-assurance and our reputation for democratic idealism. Meanwhile we must maintain constant vigilance and unceasingly call our policymakers to account. In our great democratic traditions, however, we can find :strength to compel a return to the policies of Franklin Roosevelt. Then we will again be able to take pride in our national and international policies, working once more with our great war-time allies for the establishment of a lasting peace in the One World and for the elimination of all vestiges of fascism and -oppression wherever they exist. --[fini]-- Aloha, He'Ping, Om, Shalom, Salaam. Em Hotep, Peace Be, Omnia Bona Bonis, All My Relations. Adieu, Adios, Aloha. Amen. Roads End Kris DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion and informational exchange list. Proselyzting propagandic screeds are not allowed. Substance�not soapboxing! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory', with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright frauds is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credeence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply. 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