-Caveat Lector-
Excerpts from David Guyatt's
"DEEP BLACK: The CIA's Secret Drug Wars"
Copyright (c) 1997 David Guyatt
[Supporting Cutolo's claims, Tyree's affidavit] reveals that
Major Arnett, who was assigned to Fort Bragg, North Carolina
(home of the Green Berets) had "commanded a team that allegedly
maintained surveillance on Senator Jesse Helms."
The connection between [blackmail targets] Kennedy, Kerry
and Helms, Tyree states, was that "all three were critical of
U.S. involvement in Latin America." Had they learned of Watch
Tower "they would have undoubtedly used that information to pull
the US out of Latin America, which in turn might effect the
security of that area and eventually the US itself."
Cutolo reveals that an associate of Wilson's also "aided in
overseeing the laundering of funds, which was then used to
purchase weapons to arm various factions that the CIA saw as
friendly towards the United States. The associate's name is Tom
Cline." Wilson then tells Cutolo that "most of Operation Watch
Tower was implemented on the authority of Clines."
Thomas Clines worked under Theodore Shackley, and both were
heavily implicated in gun-running activities during Iran-Contra,
itself a notorious drugs-for-money-for-guns operation under
President Ronald Reagan and Vice President George Bush.
In fact, Cutolo later reveals in his affidavit that the
illegal activities of [Mossad hit-man] Mike Harari were protected
by a number of American VIP's. Cutolo was told by Pentagon
"contacts, off the record" that these VIP's included CIA Director
Stansfield Turner and former CIA Director George Bush.
Both, in Cutolo's words "shielded [Mike] Harari from public
scrutiny."
The same contacts also told Cutolo that "Watch Tower" was a
sanctioned mission and that "United States military authorities
confirmed to me that Operation Watch Tower occurred and gave
their approval."
Cutolo learned that "Harari was a known middleman for
matters involving the United States in Latin America," adding
that the Israeli assassin "acted with the support of a network
of Mossad personnel throughout Latin America and worked mainly in
the import and export of arms and drugs trafficking."
Cutolo's affidavit reveals an intriguing sidebar to
Operation George Orwell that is only too believeable in regard to
the big bucks world of black budgets. The surveillance product
garnered by Operation George Orwell had uses other than keeping
loose mouths shut.
According to Cutolo, "the information forwarded to
Washington D.C., was disseminated to private corporations who
were developing weapon systems for the Department of Defense.
Those private corporations were encouraged to use the sensitive
information gathered from surveillance on U.S. Senators and
Representatives as leverage to manipulate those Congressmen into
approving whatever costs those weapon systems incurred."
Everyone who took an active interest in ["Operation Orwell"]
was soon to experience extreme rigor mortis ...
In his cover letter, the NSA's Paul Neri mentions the death
of Supergun builder and "Pentagon Scientist" Dr. Gerald Bull, who
was shot dead outside his apartment in 1990, as an example of the
deadliness of Mossad officer Mike Harari.
Neri casts dark glances at the role of President George Bush
in this whole affair, noting that Bush "knew or should have known
about Operation Watch Tower."
"With Mr Noriega no longer in power, the Bush Administration
has helped install one president and two Vice-Presidents in
Panama who will continue to launder the drug money the CIA
receives from drug operations world wide ...."
Neri continues "How much longer, and how many more people
will be murdered, die accidentally or be discredited through
incarceration, so that poppies and coca leaves can fund the
secret war of the CIA? Will Latin America be the next secret CIA
war, as was the case in Vietnam? And how many of our service
people will die there?"
Neri's allusion to Vietnam was not without meaning, in
terms of massive narcotics trafficking elsewhere by the CIA.
Colonel Bo Gritz, the most decorated Special Forces officer
from the Vietnam era, had received a copy of Cutolo's affidavit.
Later he would travel to Burma and meet with warlord Khun
Sa, the leading producer of Heroin in Southeast Asia. What Gritz
discovered was fully documented and recorded on video camera ...
The description "Missing in Action" has far more sinister
connotations in the view of many who believe that POWs/MIAs were
used as "drug mules" by an unscrupulous CIA engaged in its global
dope and guns business.
_______________________________________________________________
DEEP BLACK: The CIA's Secret Drug Wars
by David Guyatt
Part One
The narcotics industry has a turnover estimated to be in
excess of $1 trillion per annum. Put more simply, it is the
largest industry in the world. Ongoing international measures to
eradicate this industry have largely proved futile, despite the
billions spent. For example, the death in Columbia - at the hands
of law enforcement officers - of drug baron, Pablo Escobar, and
the US capture of Panamanian middle-man, Manuel Noriega, didn't
interrupt the flow of Columbian cocaine one iota. On the
contrary, shipments to the United States and elsewhere, increased
sharply in the wake of these so called Drug Enforcement
"victories."
Meanwhile, information has surfaced that paints a damning
picture of intelligence agency involvement in the narcotics
industry. Sworn affidavit's in this writer's possession finger
the Central Intelligence Agency for engaging in narcotics
trafficking on an almost industrial scale. Some observers -
perhaps with an element of merit - have, meanwhile, opined that
the CIA's long-term involvement with the narcotics industry
resulted from their support of nations that strongly adhered to
the anti communist philosophy.
Under this rubric, drug barons the world over were aided
and assisted in the production, transportation and distribution
of narcotics, and the proceeds were used to arm resistance
movements. So long as there was a "red menace" to fight, those
dope peddlers - large and small - who co-operated with the CIA's
cold war strategy, remained immune to prosecution. With the
collapse of communism in the late nineteen eighties this
rationale evaporated. Curious then, that the narcotics industry
has not declined along with communism? One the contrary, all the
indications point to continued growth and profits.
Drugs have become a self-perpetuating industry that
continues to create billionaire's overnight. It is, by far, the
most Laissez Faire enterprise of them all, enjoying spectacular
financial returns for relatively modest investment. Arguably,
reason enough, to ensure that continuing calls to legalise some
types of soft drugs remain doomed to failure at the political
level. Why kill the Golden Goose that effortlessly lays so many
golden eggs?
History increasingly suggests that the hidden reality was
that it was not so much a "war on drugs" as a "war FOR drugs." A
war, moreover, aimed at winning the hearts and minds of those who
live in embattled regions of the globe, by silently
impoverishing, stupefying and killing those at home. The
innocent, as always, are the major casualties of any war:
OPERATION WATCH TOWER
What follows is drawn from an affidavit signed by Col.
Edward P. Cutolo; a letter written by his close friend, Paul Neri
- an employee of America's huge National Security Agency; and an
additional supporting affidavit signed by PFC William Tyree - a
soldier under Cutolo's command. Collectively, they amount to a
powerful indictment of the Central Intelligence Agency and senior
Pentagon officers who knowingly engaged in large scale narcotics
trafficking.
More alarming still, are Cutolo's and Tyree's allegations
concerning a black operation suitably named "George Orwell" that
utilised US Special Forces to spy on well-known American
politicians, members of the judiciary, law enforcement agencies
and the Catholic church in New York and Boston. The "product" of
this covert surveillance was used for the purpose of blackmail.
Colonel Edward P. Cutolo was commanding officer of the US 10th
Special Forces (airborne), 1st Special Forces stationed at Fort
Devens, Massachusetts. Possessing a distinguished record as a
military officer, Cutolo doubtless had seen many peculiar things
and undertaken numerous classified missions. Despite this, he
would rue the day, in December 1975, he was approached by the
CIA's Edwin Wilson and Frank Terpil.
The two CIA officers introduced Cutolo to two highly
sensitive missions unlike anything he had undertaken previously.
According to his close friends and comrades, Cutolo's later
investigation into the legality of these missions would lead to
his death under suspicious circumstances. Other senior military
officers who investigated Cutolo's death also soon died under
questionable circumstances.
As we shall see, all were believed to have been murdered by
Mike Harari, an alleged Israeli assassin who is known to have
headed Mossad Assassination Operations in the early 1970's
against the terrorists who massacred athletes at the 1972
Olympics and would come to prominence a decade later for his
role in the now infamous Contragate affair.
Cutolo begins his sworn affidavit by saying: "In December,
1975, I spoke with Colonel 'Bo' Baker concerning a classified
mission he commanded during that month, inside Columbia. The
mission was known as 'Watch Tower.'" Continuing, he states
"Following a lengthy discussion with Col. Baker, I was introduced
to Mr. Edwin Wilson and Mr. Frank Terpil. Both Wilson and Terpil
were in the employ of the Central Intelligence Agency. Both
Wilson and Terpil inquired if I was interested in working for
short periods of time in Columbia, and I acknowledged that I
was."
Cutolo thereafter commanded the second and third Watch Tower
missions. The second mission took place in February 1975 and
lasted a total of 22 days. The purpose of the mission was to
"establish a series of three electronic beacon towers beginning
outside of Bogata, Columbia, and running northeast to the border
of Panama." With the beacons in place and activated, aircraft
could fix on their signal and fly undetected from Bogata to
Panama, landing at Albrook Air Station. All told, 30 "high
performance aircraft" flew the covert route to Allbrook.
The aircraft were met by Panama's Colonel Manuel Noriega -
who would later become head of state, prior to experiencing a US
invasion tasked to arrest and imprison him for laundering drug
money. Accompanying Noriega were a number of officers of the
Panama Defence Forces (PDF), CIA agent, Edwin Wilson, and Israeli
agent Mike Harari. Cutolo adds that Harari had the authority from
the "U.S. Army Southern Command in Panama to be in the A.O (Area
of Operations)." Nor does Cutolo beat around the bush when
explicitly stating "The cargo flown from Columbia into Panama was
cocaine."
Cutolo continues his affidavit by outlining the third Watch
Tower mission which he commanded. This occurred during March
1976, and lasted 29 days, safely cycling 40 cocaine carrying
aircraft through to Panama. On this occasion members of one of
his Special Action Teams (SATs), located at Turbo, Columbia were
attacked by a large gang of local bandits and were extracted by
helicopters that entered Columbian airspace without authority.
Cutolo adds that the third mission was "met in the previously
related fashion by those named - Noriega, Edwin Wilson, Mike
Harari et al."
William Tyree's affidavit dated 6 September 1990, powerfully
corroborates Colonel Cutolo's statements. Tyree, however, was
able to provide additional direct testimony on the First Watch
Tower mission, which he participated in. At that time he was
assigned to the 1st/17th Air Cavalry Division located at Fort
Bragg, North Carolina. In Tyree's own words, the mission was to
"insert three SPECIAL ACTION TEAMS (SATs) inside Columbia.
Once the SATs were in place they would activate electronic
beacons which aircraft could follow through a specific corridor
out of Columbia and into Panama where the aircraft, which were
loaded with cocaine, would land at Albrook Air Station." Tyree
adds the "mission lasted 24 days and approximately 37 aircraft of
various descriptions flew out of Columbia and into Panama, all
following the SATs electronic beacons."
Tyree goes on to state "I personally witnessed members of
the Panamanian Defence Force (PDF) help unload the bales of
cocaine from the aircraft onto the tarmac of Albrook Air Station.
Among the PDF officers were Colonel Manuel Noriega, Major
Roberto Diaz-Herrera, Major Liz del CID, and Major Ramirez.
These men were always in the company of an American civilian
identified to me by other personnel involved in the operation as
Edwin Wilson, of the CIA. Another civilian in the company of
Wilson, I have since learned, was Israeli Mossad agent Michael
Harari."
Of additional interest are Tyree's comments regarding Edwin
Wilson providing (presumably classified?) military style mustard
coloured files to Noriega and his fellow PDF officers. Tyree
states the files originally belonged to the CIA, Naval
Intelligence Service (NIS) and the Defence Intelligence
Agency (DIA). The information contained in the folders appeared
to have come from all over the world and included: a) Coastal
defences of other countries, some of which appeared to be allies
of the U.S. b) written information, diagrams, naval charts and
reconnaissance photos etc. Tyree judged the information was of a
type and quality required to "institute a major naval operation
anywhere in the world." Other folders related to the "US Navy and
various battle groups, including number of personnel, number of
aircraft, type of armaments and whether a vessel had conventional
or nuclear capability."
It is impossible to say with any authority why Wilson handed
over this type of sensitive information to Noriega. Panama is not
famous for its Navy, which, in any event, certainly does not
possess the capability to project itself around the world. One
can only speculate that such information was to be sold or
bartered by Noriega to foreign powers, and may have constituted
part payment for assistance with the cocaine trafficking? On this
aspect, we are unlikely to ever know.
[cont'd in part 2]
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