-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
America’s Sixty Families
Ferdinand Lundberg
The Vanguard Press©1937 & 1938
The Citadel Press
New York, NY
578 pages Out-of-print
--[3]--
III
The Administration of Herbert Hoover was, in all fundamental aspects, a
regime of scandal, like its two predecessors. Hoover's strategy was to do
nothing, hoping that the country would remain on an even keel. The economic
debacle which overtook the nation under his rule cannot, it is true, be laid
to him alone. He did nothing to the situation; rather did the situation catch
up with the policy of drift and expediency which had marked all the
administrations since 1896. The culmination was poetically logical: Hoover
reaped what McKinley and Hanna, Roosevelt and Perkins, Wilson and Dodge,
Coolidge and Mellon had sown.
The most serious obstacle to the nomination of Hoover was Andrew W. Mellon
who, when Coolidge renounced another term, craftily reached out for the
presidency. Mellon was outmaneuvered at the Kansas City Republican convention
by the Philadelphia machine of William S. Vare, under control of E. T.
Stotesbury and Morgan, Drexel and Company. Hoover had long been a Morgan
puppet, and the Republican convention contest was strictly one between Morgan
finance capital and Mellon finance capital. Thomas Cochran, partner of J. P.
Morgan and Company, was on the ground at Kansas City as Hoover's invisible
field marshal.
Long before he became wartime Food Administrator the ambitious Hoover had
moved in the Morgan orbit. For more than twenty years he had promoted British
mining enterprises in Africa, Australia, and Asia, working in association
with British banks that were attuned with Morgan, Grenfell and Company of
London; Hoover, according to contracts on the record, drew $95,000 a year
salary for his promotional work and $5,000 a year for his engineering advice.
In 1909 Hoover reached the turning point in his career when he met in London
William Boyce Thompson, then a partner of Hayden, Stone and Company, New York
investment bankers. Thompson, a stock-market crony of Thomas W. Lamont of J.
P. Morgan and Company, was also primarily interested in mining promotions. He
brought Hoover into a number of Hayden, Stone and Company enterprises.
There has been some mystery made of the way in which Hoover came to the fore
as Food Administrator in the Wilson Administration; but there is really no
mystery. It was the influential Thompson who introduced Hoover, long absent
in foreign lands, to the leading figures of American finance and politics.
The Wilson Administration, as we have seen, was in the grip of the "copper
crowd," and with the members of this group Thompson was on intimate terms.
Hoover, unknown to the world at large, became Food Administrator after having
served as head of the Belgian relief group. In 1920 it was Thompson, when the
presidential bee was buzzing seductively around Hoover's head, who turned him
into the Republican Party and helped him make valuable political connections
in New York, Colorado, and California. Thompson, through his work for the
Guggenheims, enjoyed a wide acquaintanceship among politicians, newspaper
publishers, and businessmen in the western states; as chairman of the
Republican Ways and Means Committee he brought Hoover into close touch with
such figures as Charles Hayden, Albert H. Wiggin, Harry F. Sinclair, E. L.
Doheny, and Thomas W. Lamont. In 1928 Hayden, Thompson's old partner, was
placed in charge of Hoover's campaign finances.
The contest between Republicans and Democrats in 1928 was embittered by the
attempts of a young ambitious group gathered around the Du Ponts and Anaconda
Copper, to capture the presidency with Alfred E. Smith, Tammany Governor of
New York. This group, largely Catholic in composition, introduced a new note
in American politics, for it marked the beginning of the functioning of the
Roman Catholic Church on a national scale through the political apparatus of
financial capital. In the United States the Catholic Church had hitherto
concerned itself only with local politics in the large cities.
No fundamental policies were at issue between the two parties, Indeed, the
Democratic Party under the leadership of Smith came to resemble more nearly
than ever before the Republican Party. It threw overboard, for example, its
historic tariff policy. The ostensible issue was Prohibition, with Hoover
supporting the drys and thereby gaining the support of the Methodist
Anti-Saloon League of America. But not until 1932, under the leadership of
the wilful Du Ponts, was Prohibition to become a full-fledged economic issue
in national politics.
Smith talked about Teapot Dome and other Republican scandals, but was careful
neither to indict the Mellon tax infamies nor the speculative boom nourished
by Washington. Yet he attracted the support of certain liberals who were
undismayed by his uncouth East Side accent or his Tammany connections.
Smith's ostensible liberalism, however, merely reflected the shrewd advice of
Mrs. Henry Moskowitz, a social worker who labored in close collaboration with
him while he, as Governor of New York, introduced a number of reforms of
limited character. When Mrs. Moskowitz later died, Smith's political brain
died.
William F. Kenny, Smith's personal friend and president of the W. F. Kenny
Contracting Company, who operated, in collaboration with the wealthy Bradys,
as a contractor for the New York Edison Company, Brooklyn Edison Company, and
Consolidated Gas Company of New York, made the largest individual
contribution to the 1928 Democratic slush fund-S125,ooo. Thomas Fortune Ryan,
John J. Raskob, Du Pont deputy and chairman of the finance committee of
General Motors Company as well as of the Democratic National Committee, and
Herbert H. Lehman of the banking firm of Lehman Brothers, each put $110,000
on the table for the Oliver Street Lincoln. Lehman, who, incidentally, has
spent more than $1,000,000 on the various Smith candidacies, in 1932 became
Governor of New York. Jesse H. Jones, Texas banker, gave Smith's fund
$75,000, and was the moving spirit in bringing the 1928 Democratic convention
to Houston.
Smith contributions Of $50,000 each were made by Harry Payne Whitney
(Standard Oil), M. J. Meehan, Wall Street stock-market manipulator, W. A.
Clark, president of the United Verde Copper Company, and Pierre S. du Pont.
Bernard M. Baruch put up $37,590. Robert Sterling Clark Put up $35,000;
William H. Todd, shipbuilder, made an equal contribution. John D. Ryan,
chairman of the Anaconda Copper Mining Company, and a director of the
National City Bank, put Up $27,000. Contributions Of $25,000 each were made
by Nicholas Brady, Francis P. Garvan, Peter 0. Gerry of Rhode Island; Oliver
Cabana, president of the Liquid Veneer Corporation and a director in mining
companies; Arthur Curtiss James of the National City Bank and Phelps Dodge
Corporation; Edith A. Lehman, wife of Herbert H. Lehman; George W. Loft,
candy manufacturer and stock-market operator; George MacDonald, corporation
attorney; Nicholas M. Schenck, theater and film magnate; B. E. Smith,
president of the Dusenberg Motor Sales Company; Samuel Untermyer, and William
H. Woodin, director of General Motors and president of the American Car and
Foundry Company. These individuals contributed $1,164,590 of the total Smith
fund.
Julius Rosenwald, chairman of Sears, Roebuck and Company, made the largest
known individual Republican contribution—$50,000. The estate of P. A. B.
Widener gave $30,000. George F. Baker, Jr., and Richard B. Mellon each gave
$27,000. J. R. Nutt, president of the Union Trust Company of Cleveland and
deeply involved in the Morgan-Van Sweringen promotion, gave $26,000.
Contributions of $25,000 each were made by Walter H. Aldrich of the United
Smelting and Refining Company; W. 0. Briggs of the Briggs Body Company;
Edward F. Cary, president of the Pullman Car Company; Walter P. Chrysler,
William H. Crocker, William Nelson Cromwell, George W. Crawford (Mellon),
Clarence Dillon, Alfred I. du Pont, W. C. Durant, George Eastman, Cyrus S.
Eaton, William A. Clark, Jr. Harvey S. Firestone, D. M. Goodrich, Daniel
Guggenheim, Harry F. Guggenheim, S. R. Guggenheim, Charles Hayden, E. F.
Hutton, Otto Kahn, S. S. Kresge, A. W. Mellon, Eugene Meyer, Jeremiah
Milbank, John D. Rockefeller, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Mortimer Schiff,
Charles M. Schwab, Herbert N. Straus, Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., Arthur Whitney,
Harrison Williams, John N. Willys and George Woodruff, banker. The Fisher
brothers of General Motors Corporation and the Fisher Body Corporation put up
$100,000 jointly. Aggregate contributions of this group amounted to
$1,210,000.
These figures by no means exhaust the political contributions of the wealthy
families since 1924. Vast funds were spent during the 1920'S in senatorial
and gubernatorial contests, because the struggle for special privileges was
intense. Nor do these figures exhaust the contributions to the national
committees; the campaign between the two parties-to determine who Was to
enjoy the lucrative privilege of determining governmental policies-began as
early as 1926.
The Democratic National Committee had a deficit of $400,000 from 1924 which
had to be paid before 1928. The payments to defray the 1924 deficit consisted
Of $75,000 from Thomas Fortune Ryan; $60,000.[7 from Jesse H. Jones; $30,000
from Thomas L. Chadbourne; $25,000 each from Norman H. Davis and William F.
Kenny; $20,000 from John Henry Kirby; $15,000 each from Francis P. Garvan and
John W. Davis; $10,000 each from Percy S. Straus and Ralph Pulitzer; $7,500
from Cyrus H. McCormick; $5,000 from Jesse I. Straus; $2,000 each from John
D. Ryan and Owen D. Young; $1,000 each from Melvin A. Traylor, Chicago
banker, Silas Strawn, Chicago corporation lawyer, and Gerard Swope. Although
Strawn was a contributor to the Democratic deficit fund he was chairman of
the Illinois Republican Finance Committee, with Julius Rosenwald and James A.
Patten, the wheat speculator, as his colleagues.
Most of the 1928 Republican and Democratic contributions of $1,000 to $25,000
came from the wealthy families, as usual, but the special flavor of the
contest brought out more money than in 1924. Marshall Field gave the
Republicans $15,000. Ogden L. Mills and Ogden Mills, the former's father,
gave $12,5oo each. F. Edson White, head of Armour and, Company, gave $20,000.
Republican contributors of at least $10,000 were Edward W. Bok, Philadelphia
publisher, Eugene G. Grace, Percy A. Rockefeller, H. B. Rust (Mellon
executive), James Simpson, chairman of Marshall Field and Company, Lammot du
Pont, T. Coleman du Pont, William H. Crocker, Harold 1. Pratt (Standard Oil),
J. P. Graham (automobiles), George M. Moffett, Rufus L. Patterson (tobacco),
Cornelius Vanderbilt, Murry Guggenheim, Orlando F. Weber (Allied Chemical and
Dye), E. T. Bedford (Standard Oil), Dunlevy Milbank, and Ira Nelson Morris.
There were, it is clear, Republicans as well as Democrats among the Du Ponts
in this as in other years.
Contributors Of $5,000 each included Frederic A. Juilliard (insurance), Jules
S. Bache (stock broker), Archer M. Huntington (railroads), Mrs. Whitelaw Reid
(nee Mills), H. L. Stuart (investment banker and backer of Samuel Instill),
Sidney Z. Mitchell (Electric Bond and Share Company), Jerome Hanauer (Kuhn,
Loeb &4 Co.), Samuel and Adolph Lewisohn (copper), Mrs. Daniel Guggenheim,
Thomas W. Lamont, Thomas Cochran, Mrs. Mary H. Harkness, J. P. Morgan,
Clarence H. Mackay, Dwight W. Morrow, Lewis E. Pierson (Irving Trust
Company), Mathew C. Brush (4 [4] stock- market operator), Charles G. Dawes,
Harold S. Vanderbilt, Edward J. Berwind, Helen Clay Frick, Mrs. Herbert L.
Pratt (Standard Oil), Seward Prosser (Bankers Trust Company), Ogden Reid
(Mills-Reid), E. P. Swenson (National City Bank and Texas Gulf Sulphur
Company), Mrs. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and Philip D. Wagoner. G. M.
Laughlin, Jr., Irwin B. Laughlin, and J. P. Laughlin, all of the Jones and
Laughlin steel dynasty, each gave $4,000; Alex-ander Laughlin gave $2,000 and
his wife gave $5,000. George Whitney, Morgan partner and looked upon in Wall
Street as Lamont's understudy as the "brains" of the firm, gave $2,750. Edith
Rocke-feller McCormick gave $2,000.
Contributions Of $1,000 to $5,000 came from Robert R. McCormick, A. Felix du
Pont, F. D. Bartow (Morgan partner), Joseph M. Cudahy, Paul D. Cravath,
Walter E. Frew (Corn Exchange Bank), Mrs. Marshall Field, Anthony Drexel
Biddle, Jr., Albert G. Milbank, Herbert L. Satterlee, Edwin Gould, Walter C.
Teagle (Standard Oil), and Alfred H. Swayne of General Motors.
Contributions of less than $25,000 from the wealthy families to the Democrats
included $15,000 each from Henry Morgenthau and Rudolph Spreckels (sugar);
$10,000 each from Edward S. Harkness and Vincent Astor; $5,000 from John W.
Davis; $4,000 from Norman H. Davis; $3,000 each from W. N. Reynolds (tobacco)
and Ralph Pulitzer; and smaller amounts from scores of corporation
executives. Harry Harkness Flagler gave $5,000
Not including primary or local expenditures the Republicans spent $9,433,604
and the Democrats $7,152,511 that was admitted to a special Senate
investigating committee. Both parties together spent $16,586; 15 nationally.
The Democrats were left with a large deficit, and to erase it Raskob, Lehman,
Kenny, and August Heckscher, New York realty millionaire, each gave $150,000-
William H. Todd, Baruch, T. J. Mara, a partner of M. J. Meehan, James J.
Riordan of the County Trust Company of New York, and John F. Gilchrist, each
gave $50,000. Pierre du Pont and Daniel L. Riordan each gave $25,000. D. J.
Mooney gave $10,000.
In the early days of Hoover's administration preparations were made to
continue the swift, silent plundering as of old. The public was still bemused
by his campaign references to "a chicken in every pot" and "two cars in every
garage," which were soon proved to be as fraudulent as his pretensions to
being an engineer (he held no engineering degree) or to being a humanitarian
merely because he had administered the disposition of materials to civilian
refugees in the World War. Hoover, by his indifference to human misery while
in the White House, forever belled his claim to humanitarianism.
Hoover's Cabinet reflected his backing. His choice for Secretary of State
was Henry L. Stimson, a relic of the Roosevelt-Taft regime and first cousin
of two partners of Bonbright and Company, the public-utility arm of J. P.
Morgan and Company. Additional public- utility flavoring was given by the
admission of Ray Lyman Wilbur,
president of Leland Stanford University, as Secretary of the Interior; Leland
Stanford University was distinguished for its big endowment of
public-utilities securities. Hoover's Secretary of the Navy was Charles
Francis Adams, a director of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company and
thirty-two other Morgan corporations, for many years in charge of Harvard
University's huge endowment fund,
and father-in-law of Henry Sturgis Morgan, son of the present J. P. Morgan.
When Andrew W. Mellon reluctantly relinquished the Treasury portfolio after
having his impeachment demanded on the floor of Congress, his place was taken
by Assistant Secretary of the Treasury Ogden L. Mills, grandson of Darius 0.
Mills, gold and silver magnate of the old West, and part owner of the New
York Herald Tribune. Hoover's Secretary of Commerce was Robert P. Lamont,
president of the American Steel Foundries and director of several Morgan
corporations; in 1932 he was succeeded by Roy D. Chapin, president of the
Hudson Motor Car Company. Upon his resignation Lamont, no relation to the
Morgan partner, became president of the American Iron and Steel Institute,
protective association of the steelmasters. Walter F. Brown, of the Ohio
machine, became Postmaster General, and was to figure prominently in the
airplane mail-subsidy scandals of the Hoover regime.
Dawes, supplanted in the vice-presidency by Charles Curtis, former Senator
from Kansas and race-horse enthusiast, was sent by Hoover to London as
American ambassador' where he remained until Mellon relieved him. The English
Ambassadorship had since the 18go's never been out of the grasp of the
banking fraternity. John Hay succeeded Joseph Choate (Standard Oil); Whitelaw
Reid (Mills) succeeded Hay; Walter Hines Page (National City Bank) succeeded
Reid; John W. Davis (Morgan) succeeded Page, and was himself succeeded by
George Harvey (Morgan-Rockefeller-Ryan). Hoover's Ambassador to France was
Senator Walter E. Edge of New Jersey, brother-in-law of Walter C. Teagle of
Standard Oil. Serving as Ambassador to Turkey was Joseph Clark Grew, J. P.
Morgan's cousin, who was transferred to the important Tokyo post. John N.
Willys, the automobile manufacturer, became minister to Poland; W. Cameron
Forbes, a director of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company, gave up
the Tokyo post to Grew. Irwin B. Laughlin, of the Pittsburgh steel family,
had been Ambassador to Spain since 1928 and was replaced in 1931 by Alexander
P. Moore, a Mellon-controlled Pittsburgh newspaper publisher. Hoover's
ambassador to Berlin was Frederic M. Sackett, public-utilities operator.
Harry F. Guggenheim was sent to Cuba, to co-operate on behalf of finance
capital with the repressive Machado regime.
Morrow and Lamont were Hoover's two principal advisers, and shaped the
policies of his administration. The essence of Hoover's policy after the
stock market tumbled and economic famine stalked the land was to "let the
depression take its course." This was also, by a curious coincidence, the
policy of J. P. Morgan and Company and its newspapers, for the Morgan banks,
alone of the nation's banking institutions, were almost one hundred per cent
liquid, 1. e., had all their resources in cash or government securities.
Every downswing in commodity prices, real-estate values, and securities
quotations, enhanced the value of the liquid funds at the disposal of J. P.
Morgan and Company, which grew more powerful every day that the nation as a
whole became poorer. It was unquestionably the Morgan objective to begin
investing at cheap price levels, but the situation passed completely out of
Hoover's control in 1932.
In the meantime Morrow and Lamont shuttled in and out of the White House with
the regularity of confirmed tipplers visiting their favorite tavern. When
Lamont was not in Washington the telephone wire between the White House and
23 Wall Street was in almost constant use.* President Franklin D. Roosevelt
was later to refer critically to this arrangement.[*The author was present at
a press conference in the offices of J. P. Morgan and Company the day after
England suspended the gold standard in September, 1931. Thomas W. Lamont had
carefully explained why he thought England's action meant further deflation
in the United States. Toward the end of his interview he was interrupted by a
page, who slipped a note into his hand. Lamont left the room. Upon returning
twenty minutes later, the ghost of a smile flitting over his face, he said
drily, "I've just been talking over the telephone with President Hoover. He
believes England's action will give prices an upward fillip over here."]
Morrow was appointed to the Senate in 1930 by the Governor of New Jersey, to
replace Walter E. Edge, who resigned to escape a deserved drubbing at the
polls. Morrow was subsequently re-elected by the efficient New Jersey
Republican machine of J. P. Morgan and Company, which already had Hamilton
Fish Kean, investment banker worth nearly $50,000,000, in the other Senate
seat from the state; Kean succeeded his brother, James Hamilton Kean, in the
hereditary office.
Morrow, as United States Senator from New Jersey, upheld the best traditions
of the Keans and of J. P. Morgan and Company. His conciliatory manners (he
would agree to anything verbally) won him the reputation of being a liberal.
He voted against the Norris Bill providing for public operation of Muscle
Shoals, and on every other measure dealing with the power question he
invariably favored the public-utility trust; he sought to block confirmation
of three Federal Power Commissioners who had replaced Commissioners friendly
to the power trust; he voted to confirm the appointment of a reactionary to
the Tariff Commission; he voted against all Federal relief bills for the
unemployed; he voted against the veterans' bonus; he voted for all big naval
appropriations; and he voted in favor of appropriating War Department funds
to foster military training in the schools and colleges. Morrow, in fine, was
a typical Morgan partner.
Morrow and Lamont, it is known in Wall Street, put the fearful Hoover up to
declaring the moratorium on war debts; Lamont also conferred with Hoover just
before Hoover announced the extension of time limits on New York bank credits
to Germany. As economic conditions grew steadily worse Hoover resisted all
pressure that he do something; instead, he adopted the Mellon method of
issuing false statements to the effect that conditions were improving.
There was more than a breakdown of the capitalistic economy in the Hoover
regime; there was a breakdown of common sense. Hoover inherited a situation
that not only went back to the war, but to the days of Mark Hanna. The
nation's industry was now largely trustified; monopoly ruled through the big
commercial and private banks. International trade had gradually been
strangled by tariffs set up all over Europe in retaliation against the new
American tariff. In 1930 Hoover signed the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Bill, which
set duties at the highest level ever seen; it was denounced by hundreds of
economists, but was allowed to stand as international trade virtually
disappeared and economic crisis, following hard upon the general boosting of
tariffs, gripped one nation after the other.
In 1930, just after Hoover had convened a conference of bankers and
industrialists for the duly advertised purpose of keeping wages and salaries
unchanged, wholesale slashings of pay rates became the rule. They were
supplemented by wholesale firings of workers throughout industry in a
centrally planned attempt to bring down wages. Formal expression was given to
the desire of the rich for the "liquidation of wages" in the annual report of
the. Chase National Bank for 1930, signed by Albert H. Wiggin, chairman of
the board. The biggest corporations led the way, the distinction of
instituting nearly two hundred thousand dismissals from 1929 to 1936
going,according to its own annual reports, to the American Telephone and
Telegraph Company (Morgan).
Hoover, throughout his term, fought against any governmental action which
would benefit the nonwealthy groups, labor in particular. In this he
resembled Coolidge and Harding. Like his two predecessors he sought to put
over a general sales tax and to increase excise taxes; like his predecessors
he reduced income-tax rates; like them he fought war veterans' benefits and
saw measures passed over his head by a Congress afraid of the veterans' vote;
he temporized with the farm problem, as his predecessors had; and like them
he scotched all legislation that would regulate the electric light and power
companies.
But the crisis forced Hoover into a position where he seemed much harsher
than had either Harding or Coolidge, although Harding and Coolidge would
unquestionably have acted as he did. Coolidge, from his retirement, indeed,
would from time to time step forward to approve some particularly callous
action by Hoover. He endorsed Hoover's opposition to Federal unemployment
relief.
Two typical Hoover performances served to dramatize for the country the real
outlook of the Republican Party. The first was his brutal handling of the
veterans' "bonus army," which was driven out of Washington with fire and
sword; the second was his evasion of the problem of unemployment relief.
Hoover consistently refused to accede to Congressional demands for public
funds to aid the millions thrown out on the streets by the industrialists and
bankers when it became evident that to retain them on the pay rolls would
necessitate tapping swollen corporate surpluses. It was whispered at
Washington tea tables after Hoover began ladling out funds to banks and
railroads while he continued denying them to the unemployed that his private
motto was, "No one who is in actual distress shall be helped by the Federal
government." J. P. Morgan and Company co-operated by having the American Red
Cross, still very much under its domination, make ineffective gestures, and
by sponsoring the ridiculous block-aid program whereby the rich would help
the rich and the poor would help the poor.
To seem to be doing something positive Hoover advocated local unemployment
relief by states, cloaking his real designs with the invocation of the
states' rights shibboleth. Most of the nation's funds had been drawn by
absentee owners into a few eastern cities like New York, Boston, and
Philadelphia, while in great industrial states like Michigan, Ohio, and
Illinois, as well as in lesser states, there were actually no liquid
resources available. Local aid therefore meant—no aid.
But in pursuing his Morgan-designed policy Hoover unwittingly incurred the
ire of the Rockefellers. Although they remained Republican, the Rockefellers
in 1932 gave only nominal support to the Republican Party. But other Standard
Oil clans conspicuously backed the Democrats. The policy of allowing matters
to take their course was turning out to be disastrous to the Rockefellers,
for every decline in the price of oil compromised their position. The
Rockefellers had also plunged heavily on their real-estate development at
Rockefeller Center, New York, and were seriously embarrassed by the decline
in real-estate values. In addition to this, the great Chase National Bank was
seriously implicated in various speculative ventures, among which were the
Fox Film Corporation, the General Theaters Equipment Corporation, and German
credits.
In 1930 Hoover, seeking to placate the Rockefellers, appointed Colonel Arthur
Woods to tackle the unemployment problem. Woods, a trustee of the Rockefeller
Foundation, had been Police Commissioner of New York City under John Purroy
Mitchel, and later became president of the Rockefeller Center Corporation.
After conferring with economists Woods reported that a billion-dollar public
works program was required, and urged Hoover to recommend such a program.
Hoover refused, although Woods reported that at least five million men were
unemployed. When Hoover vetoed the Wagner bill providing for a Federal
employment agency Woods resigned in anger, and the Rockefellers turned
definitely hostile to the President. Hoover then appointed Walter S. Gifford,
president of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company (Morgan), to devise
a program of community unemployment relief, and until the closing months of
Hoover's term Gifford valiantly strove to give the impression that something
was being done for the starving millions. In 1932 the Democratic and
Progressive congressional blocs laid out a relief program calling for twice
the amount of money that Woods had recommended, and passed it over Hoover's
head.
pps. 177-188
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
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