-Caveat Lector-
Excerpt From
"THE NAZI CONNECTION TO THE JOHN F. KENNEDY ASSASSINATION"
(c) 1983 LFP, Inc.
(from Larry Flynt's The Rebel, Nov. 22, 1983)
cont'd
1960 Elections: Richard Nixon vs. John F. Kennedy
Before the election of 1960, a group within the Christian Right
plotted to kill John Kennedy in Van Nuys, California while he was
still a candidate. The group was a meld of anti-Castro Cubans,
Minutemen and home-grown Nazis. Some were sought by Jim
Garrison, following his arrest of Clay Shaw, for testimony before
the New Orleans grand jury.
When Garrison forwarded extradition papers for Edgar Eugene
Bradley, a member of the group, Governor Ronald Reagan refused to
sign them.
The leader of one of these groups, the Christian Defense League
(CDL), was the Reverend William P. Gale. During the war Gale had
been an Army colonel in the Philippines training guerilla bands.
His superior officer was Willoughby. By the late 1950s Gale was
recruiting veterans for his "Identity" group, which was financed
by a wealthy Los Angeles man. One of the CDL's contacts was
Captain Robert K. Brown, a special forces professional from Fort
Benning, Georgia. Brown was working with anti-Castro Cubans,
mercenaries similar to Skorzeny's teams. Brown is now publisher
of Soldier of Fortune magazine and paramilitary texts such as
"Silencers, Snipers and Assassins."
The book explains how Mitchell WerBell made special weapons for
the CIA, Bay of Pigs assault squads and other customers.
WerBell, son of a wealthy Czarist cavalry officer, perfected a
silencer so effective a gun can be shot in one room and not heard
in the next. It is ideal for assassinations. There had been
prolonged convoversy about how many shots were fired the day
Kennedy was killed. The President's wounds, nicks on the
limousine and curb, and other bullet evidence indicated quite a
few. But the Warren Commission concluded there were only three.
It took the testimony of spectators in Dealy Plaza who said they
only heard three. It never considered the possibility that
silencer-fitted guns were fired.
When Clay Shaw was arrested by Jim Garrison the news was of
particular interest to the Italian newspaper Paesa Sera. It
followed up with a story that Shaw belonged to a cover
organization in Rome named Cenuo Mondiale Commerciale (CMC). Its
location was frequently moved, its presidents rotated; its modus
operarldi altered. CMC included Italian fascists, elements of
the European paramilitary right, the CIA, and the U.S. Defense
Department. There were major shareholders with banks located in
Switzerland, Miami, Basel and other major cities. CMC had been
formed in 1961, one year after Kennedy was elected. Its
principals had worked with fascist networks established after
World War II. The board of directors numbered Ferenc Nagy, a
former Hungarian premier who led that country's Anti-Communist
Countrymen's Party in exile. J. Edgar Hoover brought Nagy to the
United States, where there were numerous Gehlen-supported emigre
organizations. On August 18, 1951, the Saturday Evening Post
pictured Nagy with Czech, Pole, Hungarian and Russian exiles
under the heading: "They Want Us To Go to War Right Now." On
November 22, 1963 Nagy was living in Dallas. CMC was actually a
subsidiary of Swiss-based Permindex, whose president was Prince
Gutierez de Spadafora, Italian industrialist and large landowner.
Spadafora's daughter-in-law was related to Hjalmar Schacht. Clay
Shaw, who managed the New Orleans International Trade Mart, was a
director. Another was Giorgio Mantello, aka George Mandel, who
would later move to New Orleans. Once convicted of "criminal
activities" in Switzerland, Mantello worked closely with his
fellow Hungarian Nagy.
One of the goals of the CMC was that "Rome will recover once
again her position as center of the civilized world."
Major L. M. Bloomfield, a veteran of the OSS who resided in
Montreal, was a suspect Garrison wanted to question. In Canada
he reportedly controlled Credit Suisse, Heineken's Breweries,
Israel Continental Company, Grimaldo Siosa Lines and other
international firms. Shaw's name was found among eleven
directors of a company in Montreal that actually was based in
Rome. Who was giving the virtually unlimited money to CMC, and
who was getting it? The answer might have been found in the huge
amounts that flowed out of Evita Peron's accounts. Paesa Sera
reported on March 4, 1967 that CMC was a creature of the CIA
serving as a money conduit, and that Shaw and Bloomfield
conducted illegal political espionage under its cover. In New
Orleans, Shaw was the respected citizen who had helped restore
the French Quarter. In Rome he was a vital member of the boards
of twin companies dealing with fascists accused of European
assassinations. Shaw's address book contained the private number
of Principessa Marcelle Borghese, now Duchessa de Bomartao, who
is related to Prince Valerio Borghese. Called the "Black Prince"
and "The New Duce," Borghese was leader of the Movimento Sociale
Italiano, a neo-fascist syndicate. The Black Prince, who was a
decorated submarine captain in the First World War, was convicted
of cooperating with the nazis in WW II and given 12 years in
prison.
The Black Prince is the same Borghese rescued by the CIA's James
J. Angleton. No wonder Angleton was awarded the Sovereign
Military Order of Malta by the Pope after the war. It might
explain what Angleton was hinting at when questioned about the
murder of JFK: "A mansion has many rooms; there were many things
during the period; I 'm not privy to who struck John."
Clay Shaw's affiliation with Permindex would plug in later to
Argentina, Spain, Rome, New Orleans and Dallas. The
international range of hit teams, using CIA money diverted
overseas to cover companies set up by the Gehlen Organization,
started coming together after Shaw's arrest.
In November, 1960 it would be Nixon versus Kennedy. Frank
Sinatra introduced Judith Exner to John Kennedy on the eve of the
New Hampshire primary. A few weeks later Sinatra introduced
Judith Exner to Chicago Mafia boss Sam Giancana. So Exner became
involved, as William Safire put it, in a "dual affair with the
nation's most powerful mobster and the nation's most powerful
political leader." Giancana was busy with more than his love
life; he was hired to form assassination teams to go after Fidel
Castro. The man who retained him was Robert Maheu, a former FBI
and CIA operative. It was a classic cutoff. Maheu never
mentioned that the CIA was behind it. He intimated to Giancana
that wealthy Cuban exiles were providing the funds. This sounded
plausible, since Maheu was Howard Hughes' right-hand man.
Giancana put his Los Angeles lieutenant, Johnny Roselli, in
charge of the hit squads. In 1978 when the House Select
Committee questioned him, Roselli hinted that his assignment was
aimed at Kennedy as well as Castro. Shortly afterward, his body
was found floating in an oil drum off the Florida coast. Giancana
never got a chance to testify. He was shot to death in his
Chicago home.
The Howard Hughes organization, used as a cover for the
kill-Castro conspiracy, (Hughes thought it was a patriotic idea)
has long retained Carl Byoir Associates as its public relations
arm. Throughout the war Byoir represented Nazi bankers and
industrialists and the I.G. Farben interests. One of his clients
was Emest Schmitz, member of the I.G. Farben-Ilgner and the
German American Board of Trade. His Information Services was
subsidized by the Nazi government. George Sylvester Viereck,
editor of the German Library of Information, was also in business
with Byoir. A lucrative Byoir client was the Frederick Flick
Group. Flick, a Nuremberg defendant released by McCloy, was the
single greatest power behind the nazi military muscle. Frederick
Flick's son was close to the W.R. Grace Company, and invested
over $400,000 in partnership with J. Peter Grace in the United
States. During the war, W.R. Grace was accused in a military
report of protecting a certain Nazi Colonel Brite in Bolivia. In
1951, when the CIA smuggled Barbie out of Germany, he was sent to
join the same Colonel Brite. George de Mohrenschildt was a close
associate of the company's founder, William Grace.
De Mohrenschildt was a man of many faces. He befriended Lee and
Marina Oswald, introducing them to the White Russian community.
He made phone calls to obtain Lee jobs and housing. As he told
it to the Warren Commission, he was fascinated with this strange
couple just out of Russia.
But at the Petroleum Club in Dallas, De Mohrenschildt sang the
praises of Heinrich Himmler. His travels took him all over the
world on missions identified with intelligence. In 1956 he was
employed by Pantetic Oil Company owned by the family of William
Buckley. De Mohrenschildt often discussed Oswald with J. Walton
Moore, the CIA's Domestic Contacts Division resident in Dallas.
In the spring of l963, just after visiting the Oswalds, he went
to Washington. There is a record of a phone call de
Mohrenschildt made on May 7, 1963, to the Army Chief of Staff for
intelligence. The same month he had a meeting in person with a
member of that staff.
His military connections seem to have been wide. One of the
first persons de Mokrenschildt took the Oswalds to see in Dallas
was retired Admiral Chester Barton. Although De Mohrenschildt
and his wife Jeanne testified at length before the Warren
Commission, only attorney Albert Jenner and Pentagon historian
Alfred Goldberg attended. One of Jenner's clients was General
Dynamics, maker of the F-111 fighter that would achieve fame in
Vietnam. The chief of security for General Dynamics in Dallas,
Max Clark, was another De Mohrenschildt associate donating money
to help Marina while George got Lee his next job in Dallas. He
found one at the graphics house of Jagger-Chiles-Stovall, which
held classified military contracts. Jeanne de Mohrenschildt was
originally brought to the U.S. by a family member employed by the
Howard Hughes organization. In 1977 George was found fatally
shot, allegedly a suicide, on the day a House Select Committee
investigator came by looking for him. Jeanne consented to a
press interview. She said George had been a Nazi spy. The
placement de Mohrenschildt got for Oswald allowed him to visit
the Sol Bloom agency at least 40 times. It was this agency that
later decided the motorcade route for Kennedy's fatal visit.
Ruth Paine, whom Oswald met via George, had called Roy Truly and
procured work for Oswald at the Texas School Book Depository. If
Maydell and the Gehlen agents were active in the U.S. they knew
all the right moves to secure their patsy.
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