-Caveat Lector-

NOTE:  Roy Q. Minton, the lawyer in the Yogurt Shop case described in the
preceding documents by lawyer Erik Moebius, is also the Austin lawyer for
Freeport McMoRan.  The three articles below will suffice to provide a
general description of Freeport McMoRan and the company it keeps:

>From Corporate Watch:

Suhartless

November 24 - 30, 1998
Andrew Hsiao & Jason Vest
Press Clips, Village Voice

Though hardly a maverick act of moral courage, The New York Times did
manage to editorialize on Saturday in favor of a faster path to civil
rights in post-Suharto Indonesia.  "[President B.J.] Habibie and his
political allies want the army to retain its hand in selecting presidents
for 5 to 10 more years," said the paper. "A quicker, cleaner transition to
full civilian democracy is needed, and Washington should not be shy about
saying so."

This was a refreshing sentiment from the Times, considering a previous
Nicolas Kristof dispatch, in which the erstwhile Tokyo bureau chief
characterized the Indonesian Army as "the institution that used to keep the
passengers in the back seat and maintain order"-rather than as the
genocidal legion of murderous thugs they are.

Nonetheless, the Times didn't inquire as to the likelihood of Washington
putting the screws to Habibie. Maybe that's because the chances are slim,
in part because of the extraordinary and baleful influence of an American
multinational: New Orleans mining behemoth and Suharto ally Freeport
McMoRan Copper and Gold. Not unlike Chiquita in Honduras, Freeport-through
a combination of lobbying and campaign donations over the past two
decades-has helped ensure that U.S. policy supported the corrupt Indonesian
status quo. Now, Freeport has an apparent friend in Robert Livingston, the
new Speaker of the House.

And yet Freeport has been given a free ride in much of our elite press,
even as riots have propelled Indonsesia to the front pages. Since Suharto's
fall in May, both the Times and the Washington Post have devoted only a
single passing reference to the company.

Indonesia briefly captured the media's imagination in 1996, amid
allegations that the country's oligarchy had sought to curry favor with the
White House-via massive illicit contributions from the wealthy Riady
family's Lippo Group to the DNC. But in an excellent November 1996 two-part
series, the Journal of Commerce's Tim Shorrock showed that Freeport and
other U.S. corporations with Indonesian interests were far more able agents
of political influence than their Indonesian counterparts. Freeport was the
first U.S. company to set up shop in Indonesia and, with the government, it
now runs the world's largest gold mine and third largest copper mine, both
located in army-occupied Irian Jaya.

Freeport's CEO, James "Jim Bob" Moffett, was a golfing partner of
Suharto's, while one of the men who gave Suharto the green light to embark
on the murderous conquest of East Timor-Henry Kissinger-sits on Freeport's
board. So, too, does J. Bennett Johnston, who, while a Louisiana senator,
made sure Congress did little to impede the flow of arms to Jim Bob's
despotic putting-green partner. The company has also doled out well over $1
million in campaign contributions to both parties since 1980.

Despite Jim Bob's long public affiliation with Suharto, the Singapore
Business Times reported earlier this year that Freeport McMoRan
"categorically denied any association with former president Suharto," and
that reports "accusing the company of links through collusion and nepotism
to the former first family were untrue." Last month, however, the Wall
Street Journal's Peter Waldman described Freeport's Indonesian operations
as "a study in how multinational companies adapted to the crony capitalism"
that was a hallmark of the Suharto era. And in the September 7/14 issue of
The Nation, Robert Bryce reported on two unique loan arrangements between
Freeport and Indonesian companies-one belonging to Suharto's labor
minister, the other involving Suharto and longtime crony Bob Hasan.

The Jakarta Post and other regional papers have been carrying regular news
about recent Habibie government investigations, however modest, into the
Freeport-Suharto connection. The Indonesian Observer, for example, reported
on November 18 that "the wealth of Suharto's cronies in Irian Jaya is
believed to be mostly invested in enterprises serving as contractors to...
Freeport." Cited as exhibit A: Bob Hasan, who "apparently held a virtual
monopoly on the supply of food" to Freeport's 28�-an-hour workers.

Meanwhile, Livingston has taken thousands of dollars from Freeport in
recent years. In 1995, Freeport used its Washington juice-Kissinger, ex-CIA
director James Woolsey, and others-to get its political risk insurance
policy reinstated, after the policy had been axed because of the company's
"substantial adverse environmental impacts" in Irian Jaya. Now Indonesian
activists are asking what Freeport will get from Livingston-even if U.S.
media aren't.

>From CounterPunch:

by Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair

Sierra Club Board Member Gets Money from Chevron and Freeport McMoran

by Bernardo Issel

The Sierra Club has been a leading critic of corporate polluter funding of
politicians and of corporations trying to greenwash their record. So it is
with great surprise to find that Sierra Club Director Anne Ehrlich benefits
from donations from Chevron and other interests linked to polluting
corporations. The membership of the Sierra Club recently re-elected Mrs.
Ehrlich to the board, but without knowledge of these environmentally
tainted funding sources.

Mrs. Ehrlich is the associate director of Stanford University's Center for
Conservation Biology (CCB). The Center was founded by Mrs. Ehrlich's
husband, Paul, who is current president of CCB. Since at least 1995, the
oil giant Chevron has funded CCB. This is problematic to say the least.

Chevron operates polluting refineries in Richmond and Los Angeles,
California. Its basic product oil is a major contributor to air and water
pollution in California and elsewhere. Its product also contributes to
global warming; and Chevron has been a supporter of the Global Climate
Coalition, a leading global warming naysayer. Abroad, environmentalists
have challenged Chevron drilling operations for despoiling the environment.
A recent Human Rights Watch Report charged Chevron with involvement in
severe human rights violations in Nigeria, including ties to "Kill-And-Go"
death squads.

In an interview, Mrs. Ehrlich brushed off concern about the Chevron
support, explaining that it merely funded a few graduate students and that
the donation was given with no strings attached. Well it just so happens
that Mrs. Ehrlich supports continued oil drilling to meet future global
demand, a position that she failed to disclose in her Sierra Club ballot
statement. One is reminded of the rationalizations by politicians receiving
oil funding. If Chevron is quite happy to support the Ehrlichs, it raises
questions as to why their environmentalism is acceptable to this
environmentally noxious company.

In light of Mrs. Ehrlichs outspoken stances on population control and
immigration restrictions, the fact that she is comfortable accepting
funding from a company whose profits have been described as "blood money"
is exceedingly loathsome. As an advisor to the Federation for American
Immigration Reform, she supports tight controls on immigration into the
United States, but is apparently comfortable taking funding from a company
bringing in oil from abroad where it has despoiled the environment and
violently repressed opposition to its operations, as in Nigeria. The Sierra
Club has been at the forefront of criticizing Shell Oil's operations in
that county, yet has been seemingly silent on Chevron, the actions of which
have been viewed as comparable to that of Shell. It so happens that Chevron
is headquartered San Francisco, California - the site of the Club's own
headquarters and the Club's home state. It would seem that a Sierra Club
campaign exposing Chevron's odious environmental and human rights abuses
could fruitful results. Yet with Ehrlichs' funding from Chevron, one should
not expect her to be supportive of such an effort.

The funding by Chevron is not the only questionable funder of the Ehrlichs'
conservation work. Others include:

-- Ward Woods, a director of Boise Cascade, Freeport McMoRan, and Kelley
Oil - Boise and Freeport are environmentally rapacious companies; for
example, Freeport, the New Orleans based mining giant which invite  Henry
Kissinger on its board, has been charged with cultural genocide and
eco-cide for its operations in Indonesia.

-- Global coal and natural gas power plant billionaire Roger Sant of AES

-- The Ehrlichs' leading benefactor NYC apartment property heir Peter Bing
sits on the board of the conservative Hoover Institute along with the likes
of Richard Mellon Scaife and Dwayne O. Andreas(Archer Daniels Midland CEO).
The Hoover Institute has long been a fountain of anti-environmentalism,
recently publishing a book touting the benefits of global warming.

-- Support from the Munger foundation, which receives its wealth from the
founder of and partner in law firm that represents Unocal and Southern
California Edison. Stanford's board of trustees has close ties to Edison,
including the presence of Edison CEO John Bryson. Perhaps not surprisingly,
Mrs. Ehrlich views Edison as one of the most forward looking corporations.
Edison's efforts to run the Carbon II power plant without scrubbers seems
not to be a concern to Ehrlich. The California chapter of Sierra Club in
1998 supported a repeal of billion dollar bailout of Edison's nuclear
stranded costs, but with no help from Sierra Club leadership - no wonder
with board members like Anne for whom it would be awkward.

-- Donations from the Pew Charitable Trusts, the foundation of the scions
of Sun Oil, which has been criticized by many grassroots environmentalists
for its domineering funding strategy. In the 80's Pew was viewed as part of
the right wing funding community. In this decade the foundation has tried
to remake itself as a centrist do-gooder agent, yet Pew supported pro-NAFTA
advocacy of the Heritage Foundation while simultaneously generously funding
many of the environmental groups that supported NAFTA. Sierra Club
courageously opposed NAFTA.

-- Funding from Environmental Defense Fund (EDF) trustees Teresa Heinz and
Wren Wirth through the Winslow Foundation. On a variety of policy matters,
i.e. NAFTA, global warming, and air pollution strategies, EDF has been at
odds with Sierra Club. The Ehrlichs' recent book acknowledged input from
EDF staffers and extolled market based environmentalism, yet seemed to have
no link to or mention of the Sierra Club. Perhaps Mrs. Ehrlich would be
more comfortable at EDF.

This briefing at the very least raises several disturbing questions that
Sierra Club members have not been informed of about the resume, financial
backers and environmental philosophy of Anne Ehrlich, when they elected
Ehrlich to the board of directors of the Club. While Mrs. Ehrlich separates
the funders of CCB and her role as a Sierra Club director, it is not clear
that Sierra's membership would agree with this compartmentalization. At the
least, there is concern that Ehrlich's corporate ties create a conflict of
interest with her role as a director of the Sierra Club.

A Sierra Club volunteer Karen Jones who served on a Sierra Club consumption
task force with Mrs. Ehrlich while Ehrlich was a Club director found a
disinclination by Ehrlich to take into account the role of corporations in
driving consumption and resource extraction; ultimately the report included
none of the concerns of Jones who had her name removed from the report. In
a letter of dissent, Jones cited the case of populations in foreign
countries unable to control the operations of oil companies taking
advantage of repressive political regimes -- ironic in light of how thi
reflects Chevron's operations in Nigeria. CP

Outrage fades; UT ties to Freeport, Genocide Persist

By Gabriel Demombynes

Daily Texan, student newspaper at the University of Texas at Austin, April
4, 1994

Back in 1990, when the University still had some activists to speak of, The
Daily Texan and Polemicist ran a series of articles exposing the wicked web
that ties the University to Freeport McMoRan and the Indonesian government.
The public furor has subsided, but that's the only thing that's changed.

Just a few weeks ago, UT professor and MacArthur fellow Steven Feld wrote
an open letter to UT System Chancellor William Cunningham to protest the
University's relationship with Freeport.

Feld wrote, "With this note then I hope to remind you how strongly my
research is in direct opposition to the wreckage and loss, the poverty and
pain that the University's association with Freeport McMoRan brings daily
to the island of New Guinea."

Feld is too kind to Freeport. Not only have the corporation's own
activities wreaked environmental havoc and displaced thousands in New
Guinea, but its presence in Indonesia has lent credibility to a viciously
repressive regime.

The present Indonesian government seized power in 1965 through what the CIA
calls "one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century," killing half a
million people. President Suharto has held onto power to this day by using
the same brutal methods that he employed in the takeover.

In 1975, Portugal withdrew from the remnants of its 16th century colonial
empire, including East Timor, a tiny island in the Indonesian archipelago.
Suharto's government decided it couldn't allow an independent nation to
exist so close to Indonesia. His forces invaded the island that December
and began a campaign of slaughter. At least 100,000 Timorese civilians have
been killed since 1975. (The Roman Catholic Church puts the figure at
300,000.)

A Freeport subsidiary became the first big investor in Indonesia after
Suharto's rise to power, pouring money into gold, silver and copper mining
in the western half of the island of New Guinea. Little information makes
its way out of this region, largely because Freeport operates its Mount
Ertsberg mine under a veil of secrecy.

The 6.1 million acres of land occupied by Freeport are reported to be an
environmental disaster. Three rivers have been contaminated by tailings
from Freeport's mine.

On behalf of Freeport, the Indonesian government has forced residents of
areas near the mine to relocate. In 1977, the military dropped cluster
bombs on a village near the mine.

An advertisement published recently in British newspapers said, "Amnesty
[International] has been tracking the Indonesian government for nearly 30
years. We have found every form of human rights abuse - and on a staggering
scale - imprisonment without trial, political murder, killing of petty
criminals, execution of the old and sick, torture, rape, `disappearance'
and mass murder."

Freeport's cozy 25-year ties with the Indonesian government make it an
accomplice to genocide.

UT Chancellor William Cunningham is a director on the board of Freeport
McMoRan. And the UT geology department sends researchers and graduate
students to New Guinea as part of its 10-year research collaboration.

A man who would feed, clothe and urge on a genocidal killer for 25 years
should not be allowed to associate with the University. But since Freeport
is a corporation, since no single human being can be called to answer for
what it does, its iniquities go unchallenged. Cunningham is an affable
fellow, we're inclined to think. What could he have to do with a bloodbath
half a world away?

This dilution of blame is a danger inherent in institutions like
corporations and universities. The only defensible moral reply is one of
total responsibility. As members of the University community, we all share
complicity with the manifest evil of Freeport McMoRan.

-------------------
Demombynes is a Plan II/civil engineering senior.

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