-Cavet Lector-   <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A>  -Cui Bono-

from:
http://www.prouty.org/
Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.prouty.org/">The Col. L. Fletcher Prouty
Reference Site</A>
-----
Military Experiences
Part III: 1961-1963

Experiences of and Perspectives on the Bay of Pigs

Prouty: Some time before we were ready to actually launch the Bay of Pigs
invasion, there had been so much training and detonation of various explosive
devices at the Agency's training camp down at what we call The Farm, in
Virginia, that we had to close The Farm and move all this training to
Elizabeth City, North Carolina, where there's a harbor and a lot of open
spaces, and an airbase.

They asked me to see if we could find -- purchase -- a couple of transport
ships. We got some people that were in that business, and they went along the
coast and they found two old ships that we purchased and sent down to
Elizabeth City and began to load with an awful lot of trucks that the Army
was sending down there. We deck-loaded the trucks, and got all of their
supplies on board. Everything that they needed was on two ships.

It was rather interesting to note, looking back these days, that one of the
ships was called the Houston, and the other ship was called the Barbara J.
Colonel Hawkins had renamed the program as we selected a name for the Bay of
Pigs operation. The code name was "Zapata."
I was thinking a few months ago of what a coincidence that is. When Mr. Bush
graduated from Yale, back there in the days when I was a professor at Yale,
he formed an oil company, called "Zapata," with a man, Lieddke, who later on
became president of Pennzoil. But the company that Lieddke and Mr. Bush
formed was the Zapata Oil Company. Mr. Bush's wife's name is Barbara J. And
Mr. Bush claims as his hometown Houston, Texas. Now the triple coincidence
there is strange; but I think it's interesting. I know nothing about its
meaning. But these invasion ships were the Barbara J and the Houston, and the
program was "Zapata." George Bush must have been somewhere around.

With the ships loaded and ready to go, the Agency went in to brief the
President one more time. Actually, the ships were at sea, the troops were at
sea. And finally, on a Sunday afternoon -- well, we'll go back a few days. On
Saturday morning, April 15th 1961, three B-26 bombers flew over Cuba, and hit
the military base near Havana, and destroyed all but three of Castro's
combat-capable aircraft. It was a pretty successful trip.

We knew that the odds of getting them all in one shot would be a slim chance,
so we were ready again to strike a second time. And we had already had
briefings on two strikes, one earlier and then one to follow up. We had to
follow it up. So we had U-2's fly all over Cuba and we found the three planes
that were missing. They were three of what we call T-birds, T-33 jets. They
were just training planes, but each one had two 50-caliber machine guns. They
were fast little airplanes, easy to maneuver, and they were a great threat to
the B-26's of our Cuban-exile airforce. We had to destroy them. We found them
down in the southern part of Cuba, all in the same little base, sitting on
the ground, wingtip to wingtip.

The plan for the second attack was that we would hit them just before sunrise
with four B-26 bombers. One bomber could have destroyed them, but we would go
with four: right at sunrise, because the brigade was due to land on the beach
at sunrise. And if we were bringing the brigade in, certainly that would
alert their aircraft, and their planes would be in the air. We had to hit
them just before sunrise or everything was gone. So this was approved when we
briefed the President on Sunday afternoon, which was April 16th, 1961.

He approved the whole plan. And he approved the strike with the Cuban-exile's
bombers for the morning of the 17th which was absolutely necessary. Without
that we could not have hit the beach. Nobody had any problem with that
whatsoever. In fact, a very good friend of mine (an old Agency friend) was
the base commander for this operation at Puerto Cabezas in Nicaragua where we
had the four B-26 bombers just ready to go.

That was about 3:30 on Sunday afternoon. The ships were at sea; the President
said OK -- that was the first time he approved it, by the way. Here we were a
few hours before the attack, before he even approved, that he first said they
could go. You could see how reluctant he was, really, to approve this
program.

At one o'clock in the morning (Monday) my telephone rang, right here in
Washington. On the phone was my old friend in Puerto Cabezas, Nicaragua. He
was saying, "Fletch, you have got to get approval for my bombers to leave.
Somebody canceled the strike." I said, "That's impossible. We got the
approval this afternoon from the President. Who can cancel that strike?" He
said, "I don't know. But I've been told I can't let the bombers go." And he
said, "Listen." He was living in a little tent and he had a field telephone,
and he held the telephone out and I could hear the engines on the bombers
going. And I said, jokingly, "Let them go!" And he said, "No, they gave me
orders. I can't let them go." I said, "OK, I'll call the city and see what I
can get."

So I called into this control center (that I'd been working with every day
since that New Year's Day of 1959) and I said, "Listen. Why aren't the
bombers going?" And they said, "General Cabell got a call saying he cannot
let them go unless he can talk to Secretary Rusk and get Secretary Rusk to
approve, and he's trying to find Secretary Rusk now." And I said, "Yes, but
we've got a sunrise attack and the sun is going to come up." It'd take the
bombers four hours to fly from Puerto Cabezas to the base where the T-33's
were in Cuba, and any time we lost there would put the arrival of the bombers
after sunrise. The B-26's wouldn't be there, and the brigade would be
attacking the beach -- which is what they did, of course.

I called as many as I could and all I found was that everybody was in an
uproar. Everything was in a shambles. After all this careful planning, the
whole CIA section in there was just distraught with the developments. General
Cabell was off trying to make some arrangements -- trying to find Mr. Rusk, I
guess, or make arrangements with him. And -- in a strange little side episode
-- Allen Dulles, who was in charge of the whole thing, was out of the United
States. He wasn't even in the country. He'd gone out to a speaking engagement
in Puerto Rico. In other words, he's out of the cycle. We had to use General
Cabell or nothing. (General Cabell was his deputy, as you will recall.)

I had done what I could do. I was not that close to the program in a command
sense; I couldn't order them to go. I had called everybody I knew to alert
them. I went to sleep. I went to the office the next morning and found out
that the bombers had not gone. And I found out that already those jets had
been attacking the ships. One ship had pulled offshore, trying to escape; the
other ship had been sunk. The men had landed on the beach. The beach landing
was pretty good, but we knew the effort was lost.

In that first day, we lost 16 B-26s. The jets just chopped them up. And all
due to this call to Cabell saying, "You can't go unless you can get Mr. Rusk
or unless you want to confront the President." The President was out of
Washington; he was in Glen Ora, Virginia, his home in Northern Virginia.
General Cabell had been with the Agency for years. He was an Air Force
lieutenant general. He had a lot of administrative experience, but not combat
experience. He was not exactly the man you'd want to have fight his way
through this kind of a situation, especially when somebody like the President
was involved.

During the latter part of this same month of April, after the failure of the
Bay of Pigs, President Kennedy appointed a board to investigate what had
happened and why things went wrong and what he should know about this whole
operation. He was very wise about the appointment, because the first man he
put on was Allen Dulles himself. The second man was Admiral Arleigh Burke,
who was the Chief of Naval Operations and was the closest man of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff to the daily operations of this planning. General Lemnitzer
was the chairman, but Burke had handled all the details because the Navy
command had the ships and all that. So Burke was on it. The third man was a
man Kennedy had never met until 1961: General Maxwell Taylor, who had been
Chief of Staff of the Army under Eisenhower. And the fourth man was Bobby
Kennedy. I cannot imagine a more able, competent and -- what would you say?
-- cleverly devised group than those four. Kennedy did it right, because they
came from different circles.

And they sat in there, in an office that was only two doors from mine. I
talked with almost everybody going in and out of there as they went, because
they were all old friends I'd been working with for a long time. And they
combed this operation from one end to the other. When they were done, Maxwell
Taylor wrote a long, long letter to the President that had the full approval
of the other three members -- Dulles, Arleigh Burke and Bobby Kennedy. In
this, they came to the conclusion that the reason for the failure was because
of the phone call that came from McGeorge Bundy to General Cabell.

People have looked at this with a lot of different views. McGeorge Bundy was
a Special Assistant to the President; he was in the White House. He and his
brother, Bill Bundy, had been very close to the CIA (in fact, Bill Bundy
worked for the CIA for years) and they also were acquainted with President
Kennedy. McGeorge Bundy for some reason called Cabell.

What the Taylor committee found out was that he had been talking with Adlai
Stevenson, our Ambassador to the UN. And Ambassador Stevenson had been
seriously embarrassed when he was asked to tell the UN that the bombers that
struck Cuba on the first attack (Saturday morning) did not have anything to
do with America; that they were Cubans who were defecting, and as they
defected they shot up the air force. He showed pictures. He showed the front
page of the New York Times with a picture of one of the defector's planes on
the ground in Miami: it had Cuban markings on it and everything.

Within an hour after Stevenson had held that picture up to show the UN,
Castro had proved, beyond doubt, that that airplane was not one of his. He
didn't have an airplane with eight guns in the nose and all that sort of
thing, and he blew Stevenson's argument out of the water. And that seriously
embarrassed Stevenson, who had been our ambassador to the UN only recently
having been appointed by Kennedy (a month or two at the most). He was irate
to think that his own government would set him up for that.

So Stevenson had reason to want to talk to McGeorge Bundy and to say: "No
more air attacks. We're not going to get into this business", without ever
thinking about the landing on the beach. He didn't know about the landing on
the beach. He just didn't want another "air attack." And McGeorge Bundy may
have (may have, this is conjecture, but he may have) been sufficiently
convinced by Stevenson of "no more air attacks," without realizing the
enormous significance of that air attack, that last strike to wipe out the
last airplanes of Castro's force. So you can make an allowance for how that
happened.

But the record is perfectly clear that, at 9:30 that Sunday night, McGeorge
Bundy reversed the President's decision and called Cabell and said "no air
strike tomorrow." That doomed the whole affair, because the airplanes
destroyed the mission.

Now, people have said: "OK. Bundy was Kennedy's Assistant, right in the White
House. Why didn't Kennedy straighten this out?" That's a good question. But
let's go one step further. That is true; but within weeks Bobby Kennedy,
Maxwell Taylor, Admiral Burke and Allen Dulles were writing this in a letter
to the President to tell the President this was their finding. Why would they
have to tell him, in an official letter, that this was the reason it failed,
if he had been the man that called McGeorge Bundy?

You see, Bobby Kennedy could have told them right there in the meeting: "OK,
I know Jack called him. Let's drop it right now. We'll say that it was Jack
Kennedy's problem." Or the others could have said it because Allen Dulles was
being fired, he could have said it out of spite. But they didn't. They knew
that McGeorge Bundy had made a serious mistake, or had made a decision that
looked like a mistake later on. It could have been an honest decision -- he
could have thought that Stevenson was making a good point ("no more air
attacks"), without thinking about the effect of that. They weren't military
tacticians. Jack Hawkins had designed the plan, but not these people.

It's a very mixed-up thing. As a result, people later on have argued that
Kennedy destroyed his own plan by not sending over U.S. Military air cover
for the beach landing. Air cover was no part of the beach landing, any more
than it was for the British and the French in Cairo in 1956, because there
were supposed to be no airplanes. You don't need air cover if there are no
airplanes. You don't need an umbrella if it isn't raining.

It's a shame that through the years the literature has been filled up with
partial information, none of which explains this all the way from the fact
that I got that phone call from Nicaragua explaining what that man was up
against. I could hear the planes running, and I jokingly told him, "Let them
roll!" He knew I was joking, I didn't have the authority.

And then people have written that the problem with the Bay of Pigs was:
Kennedy didn't provide U.S. Military air cover. They didn't need air cover.
And General Cabell never did tell Kennedy that the call had been made.
Kennedy woke up in the morning thinking there had been more than adequate air
cover by the brigade's own B-26's. That was the plan as he had approved it on
Sunday afternoon.

Ratcliffe: What do you mean by "air cover"?

Prouty: The distinction lies between the brigade's own B-26's that Bundy had
grounded, and U.S. Military Air Cover that the National Security Council
Directive 5412 prohibits. This is why the public has been led to believe "Air
Cover" meant that Kennedy should have sent fighters from the aircraft
carriers (Navy fighters) and wiped out those jets; in other words, wiped out
any opposition. But we didn't need air cover. Those Cuban jets were supposed
to be rubble by sunrise.

Ratcliffe: We didn't need air cover if the plan had been allowed to proceed
as it had been approved by JFK on Sunday afternoon.

Prouty: And the plan had said that if they didn't destroy those planes, don't
land on the beach. You can't stop a snowball once it's going downhill. But
the difference was the levels between the military tacticians and the
political tacticians, which didn't meet. This was a new Kennedy team. They
didn't have -- even Maxwell Taylor had never met Kennedy. He wasn't an
advisor to him until afterwards. Kennedy kept Taylor in the White House to be
his military advisor to guard against this again. He didn't want it to happen
again. This is very complicated.

But you can see how, if we think about it realistically, it makes sense that
it could have happened. It's the unfortunate (I believe it is unfortunate,
"the unfortunate call" -- I don't think it was malicious) -- the unfortunate
call that Bundy made, that the Taylor Report clearly states "Bundy made."

There's a very good book out called Operation Zapata, which explains this
word by word, signed by Maxwell Taylor -- not by some author -- this was
Maxwell Taylor. Operation Zapata did nothing but translate the government
records into a book cover. There's no editorializing whatsoever. The Bay of
Pigs operation plan itself was much more effective than most people think.

Ratcliffe: Why do you think Bundy didn't think to confirm with Kennedy that
this was OK before he simply called Cabell and said "no air strike"?

Prouty: I think that he and Stevenson discussed this carefully during the
evening. Stevenson, wrathful after being embarrassed the day before;
Stevenson not knowing about the invasion; Bundy not knowing about the
tactical significance of this -- you see, there's plenty of room to give each
man his own thoughts.

A Result of CIA Covert Military Commanders in Vietnam:
The League of Families for the Prisoners of War
in Southeast Asia

A good example: I was in the Pentagon (of course, I had been there for years)
when the whole Kennedy team came in. Well, they were great guys, but: of all
these people coming in to run the Department of Defense (Bob McNamara and on
down through Ed Katzenbach, Alan Einhoven and, oh, you can go on and on, Paul
Nitze -- Nitze's made a great record since, Bill Bundy), not a one of them
with a day of military service, and they were running the Department of
Defense. That doesn't mean they didn't know how; it meant they needed some
experience. Let them stay there awhile, and they were going to do all right.

If you put yourself back to that era: Eisenhower had been in the White House
for eight years. The Pentagon was run by Eisenhower people who had the vast
experience of World War II behind them: they knew warfare; they knew the
Defense Department. All of a sudden, in comes the Kennedy team. That didn't
change the bureaucracy, but it changed the top. And every one of these top
jobs went to people who had little or no military experience. It was very
noticeable to me. I was one of the few current military officers at that
level, at that time, and I'd go to lunch with these fellows. I remember Ed
Katzenbach: He had been Dean at Princeton (I believe I'm correct by saying
Princeton) -- a terrific fellow. I mean, just the most enjoyable,
experienced, intelligent guy you'd ever met. I'd go to lunch with him. (In
the Pentagon he couldn't find the dining room, he couldn't find the bathroom!
The Pentagon's a helluva place!)

So Ed would come down to my office and he'd say, "Hey, let's go to lunch."
And we'd talk about everything. He had no military experience. And the same
with a lot of these people. But they had a tremendous capability. And if they
had stayed in the Pentagon for a full eight years, this country would be much
different than it is today. I'm not taking anything off their capability. I'm
simply saying that, the Bay of Pigs came too early; it was too much, and a
little bit too crafty for them to understand at that stage of the game. It
became a disaster, and then it has never been explained properly. The words
of Operation Zapata explain it, but you have to know what it's all about to
read it properly. But it's on the record. I'm not creating a record here, I'm
simply stating what is in the record there.

So that influenced Kennedy's view of Vietnam. When Kennedy was briefed by
President Eisenhower in January of 1961, President Eisenhower told him about
the hotspots around the world. He didn't use the word "Vietnam" at all, he
talked about Laos. Time Magazine, in all of 1960, mentioned Vietnam only six
times, and four of them had nothing to do with the war. You know, Vietnam was
not a hot button. Cuba was, Laos was, Berlin was, and so on. So it's easy to
forget the preface to Vietnam when you don't remember these things.

These events led up to the Vietnam scene much more significantly than most
people want to remember. Of course, the generation gap is coming and the
people coming of age now don't remember this at all. They just know that 25
years ago Kennedy was killed. But they don't remember the antecedents to the
decisions he made about the Bay of Pigs and about Vietnam.

This was a very interesting period. When we got this Bay of Pigs thing behind
us (much to our disgust), we did move toward Vietnam. For instance, C-123
aircraft that we were using in these operations were flown to Vietnam. They
became the Agent Orange spray planes, they played that part. The B-26's that
had been converted with the eight guns in the nose (what was left of them), we
re flown to Vietnam and became the first heavy combat aircraft over there.
Helicopters that had been used in different operations in Laos were moved to
Vietnam and they became the air patrol capability in Vietnam. The P-51
fighters that we had fixed up for Indonesia: they went into Vietnam. They
were available -- all these aircraft were available, and they scraped them
all together and parked them in Vietnam. In other words, the war was going to
happen whether anybody planned it or not. Everything was moving in that
direction.

So we saw the years from 1960 into '61 and '62 as years when a certain amount
of momentum kept going. And the only command structure in Vietnam at that
time was CIA. The military were in the position of being the logistics staff.
We provided the equipment, we provided certain training.
For instance, people don't think about helicopters. In those days, for every
hour a helicopter flew (a military helicopter), it had to receive 24 hours of
maintenance. That was just a general rule: twenty-four hours of maintenance.
Which meant we had to cover Vietnam with helicopter maintenance people. They
were called soldiers. And it looked like the troop size was growing, because
they were soldiers or marines or whoever -- airforce people -- but they were
maintaining helicopters. Anytime you get a helicopter squadron together, you
have to get a helicopter supply unit together.

If you have a supply unit, you have to get a maintenance unit. So what was
400 men becomes 1200 men. You get 1200 men together, you have to have a PX,
you have to have a hospital, and so on. We were creating a structure in
Vietnam built upon the operation of helicopters. And all they did was to fly
the Vietnamese soldiers around more or less like a police activity --
transporting the Vietnamese military. The next thing you know, we had 3,000
men in Vietnam, then we had 6,000. By the end of 1963, at about the time of
Kennedy's death, there were somewhere between thirteen and sixteen thousand
military (so-called military) in Vietnam.
What was strange was that a great number of those military were really not
military. They were cover military; they were involved with the CIA or other
covert programs. That has a great significance. Has it ever occurred to you
why, of all the wars the United States ever fought, that at the end of this
war we created a League of Families for the Prisoners of War in Southeast
Asia? Why did we turn the Prisoners of War program over to wives, mothers,
sisters of soldiers in Vietnam? Do you know why? I was a founding advisor of
that organization, by request of a general. I was retired by that time, but I
was asked to come back and work on it because I knew Vietnam so well and I
knew the situation so well.

The reason I was asked to be an advisor was that we had so many men who were
called "Captain So-and-so" but really were civilians with the CIA. When one
got shot down, the people that captured him found his records: "Captain
So-and-so." But the U.S. Army wasn't missing a captain, so nobody declared
him a prisoner. Their records were so messed up because of the way these
people were lost: out of "Air America," the CIA airline, out of helicopter
support units, out of all these other contrived units that we were putting in
there which were not military. So that insurance programs, mortgage payments,
all the normal things people have to take care of, were tumbling down on this
group of people called Prisoners of War over there. And our own Army, Navy
and Air Force couldn't account for them. We didn't even know they were
missing.

I talked at great length to the father of a Navy pilot who went down. He was
telling me about all the abnormal things that had happened in his dealings
with the Navy since his son went down somewhere in Indochina -- he didn't
even know where. So I turned to the father and I said, "Do you know if your
son was flying for the Navy?" He said, "Of course he was, he -- " "No," I
said, "do you know for sure? Or was he flying for CIA or Air America?" That
poor man was totally shocked. He went over to the Pentagon immediately and
demanded an answer. He found out his son was flying for CIA, and he never
knew that. You see, what are you going to do with a situation like that?
So we created this unusual organization called the League of Families for the
Prisoners of War in Southeast Asia. And I was there at the first meeting. I
was there years after that -- many, many, many meetings -- because we had a
very serious job to perform. For instance, we had to see if something as
simple as their military insurance coverage would be acknowledged by the
insurance companies. We had a big re-insurance organization we used for this.
We tried to put across the Geneva Accords to protect these men. And a lot of
other things that were necessary (that we could not normally do for prisoners
of war) with this kind of a covert war. It was really a screwed-up mess. But
you see, it grew that way and we had to do something. This is what had
confronted Kennedy and his people as the war moved on into 1963.

JFK Prepares To Get Out Of Vietnam:
The Taylor/McNamara Trip Report of October 1963
and NSAM 263

By the summer of '63 Kennedy had made up his mind to get out of Vietnam. By
that time I had been transferred from the Office of Secretary of Defense to
the Office of Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Ratcliffe: In 1963?

Prouty: In '62. But I'm talking about the summer of '63: by that time I had
been transferred. I was transferred in '62. Mr. McNamara had approved the
plan submitted by General Erskine to create the Defense Intelligence Agency.
With that approval General Erskine (who had been on service for an awful long
time) retired, and his office (the Office of Special Operations, where I had
worked and where Lansdale was working) was abolished. Mr. McNamara suggested
that the office that I was in (the Military Support of Clandestine
Operations) be transferred to the JCS. We established the office there; it
was the Office of Special Operations. I created it. I was its chief for the
first two years, until I retired in 1964.

During that period we watched this rise of increasingly effective military in
Vietnam. At the same time, the Kennedy administration could find no real
reason to continue a war there. They gradually began to rationalize that:
`Look, this is a Vietnamese war, it's not an American war. We should provide
support to them but let them fight their war.'

This rationale began to snowball into the latter part of 1963. At that time
Kennedy did something that I think was quite typical of him and quite clever.
General Krulak was my boss in the JCS, he was an experienced combat-trained
Marine, and he was probably the closest military officer to the Kennedy
family -- very close to Bobby Kennedy and quite close to Jack Kennedy. He
went to meetings in the White House frequently. I know because I worked right
in his office.

Kennedy sent General Krulak to Vietnam. This was more or less a nominal
visit. Krulak knew an awful lot about Vietnam; he didn't need to go. But it
brought him up to date; it let him hear some briefings that were current, let
him talk with some people, so that when he came back he could write, `I've
just come from Vietnam; here's the story.'

Ratcliffe: And when was that?

Prouty: That was in September of 1963. By that time General Krulak knew what
Kennedy's plans were. So that when he came back he sat down and he started
writing what became NSAM 263 -- otherwise known as the Taylor/McNamara Trip
Report of October '63.[1] They both are the same, although some people don't
realize that the numbered memoranda simply covers the Taylor/McNamara Report.

But they're the same document, and they bear the same authority coming from
the White House as a National Security Action Memorandum. So Krulak was
engaged writing this major report -- and I was one of his principal writers
-- I wrote probably as much or more of that document than anybody else did.
It was a very large report, profusely illustrated; we had pictures in it, we
had maps in it. When it was all done, they bound it in a big leather cover
that said "President John F. Kennedy from Robert McNamara and Maxwell
Taylor."

We flew the finished report to Hawaii in a jet, gave it to Taylor and
McNamara so they could read it on their way back, so that when they gave it
to Kennedy they at least would know it existed. But what the report was
really, was Kennedy's own views on the Vietnam War -- not anybody else's. All
Krulak did (and all I did) was write what Kennedy had told us to do.

The agent in that was Bobby Kennedy. Krulak would see Bobby Kennedy, I guess,
every day. We even slept in the office for awhile. We were working right
around the clock. We had something like 16 secretaries, four every four
hours, just going right around the clock like that, getting this huge report
prepared. (It was before the days of word processors and things like that.)

But when Taylor and McNamara came back and landed in a helicopter on the lawn
of the White House, they gave the President this big report. The President
knew exactly what was in the report because it was what he had dictated to
Krulak. What Krulak had written and given to them had made the circle; it was
back in Kennedy's hands and now he could declare it to be national policy.
About two days later, on October 11th, 1963, he signed this NSAM 263 which,
among other things, said that by Christmas time a thousand military men are
coming out of Vietnam, coming home. And by the end of 1965 all U.S. personnel
will be out of Vietnam.

That was very important. For instance, in the Pacific at that time we had a
military publication called the Stars and Stripes. It was the old newspaper
from WWII. The headline of the Stars and Stripes that day (great big
headline) said: "One thousand troops being withdrawn from Vietnam by
Christmas and the remainder by '65." Nobody missed the point. It was right
there in big letters. And this is what Kennedy planned.

Privately, Kennedy had told some of his confidants that "As soon as I am
reelected, I am going to get people out of Vietnam and we're going to
Vietnamize that war; we'll just provide support for them;" and "I'm going to
break the CIA into a thousand pieces." Those are quotables you can get from
Senator Mansfield and from other intimates of the President (and that those
of us working on those things day-by-day knew were exactly the sentiments of
John F. Kennedy).
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
All My Relations.
Omnia Bona Bonis,
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End

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