-Caveat Lector-   <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">
</A> -Cui Bono?-

          William F. Buckley, Jr. - ON THE RIGHT
                 Friday, February 4, 2000
------------------------------------------------------------
Arguably, Gore was hiding something


By William Buckley

The primary in New Hampshire notwithstanding, Candidate Al
Gore can't hope to have buried the history of his variable
stands on abortion. As late as primary day itself, The New
York Times published an op-ed piece by abortion enthusiast
Faye Wattleton, whose greatest fear is that the very subject
should actually be put up for political discussion since,
manifestly, it isn't a political question at all. "The right
to abortion is a private issue. It shouldn't be a political
football that candidates can kick around at will."

The New York Post's Vincent Morris and Deborah Orin had nicely
framed the whole question, reviewing two letters written by
Candidate Gore to his constituents while he served in the
House of Representatives. The issue, they point out correctly,
evolves less as what were/are Mr. Gore's views on the abortion
issue than what was/is Gore's attachment to telling the truth.

In the '80s, a young graduate of Harvard Law School came up
with an emancipating point. The writer of the majority
decision in Roe vs. Wade had said that the nature of a fetus
hadn't been defined, leaving open the question whether it was
a "person." Well, said Stephen Galebach, why not ask Congress
to decide whether it is a person? The motion did not carry,
but Mr. Gore voted in the House to define a "person" in civil-
rights laws to include unborn children from the moment of
conception.

In what seemed a panicked defense, Gore told reporters in New
Hampshire that in the letters to his constituents he had used
the word "arguably" on the question whether a fetus was human
life. He wishes now that he hadn't used the word.

Why not? Using round numbers, approximately half of the
American people believe that abortion is wrong. Why? If the
fetus were (to borrow the image from an inventive commentator)
a tomato, then there would be no reason at all for the
discussion at hand. True, you can rule some questions as out
of the boundaries of arguability. If your neighbor appears on
your doorstep wearing a tricornered hat, rings the bell, and
announces that he is Napoleon, what do you do? You smile, call
him Your Majesty, and wink at your wife to call the ambulance.
It is not an "arguable" question whether your caller is or
isn't Napoleon.

It is at the very least arguable that a fetus which one minute
later, having detached from the womb of his mother, possesses
inarguably the protections of the Bill of Rights as a human
being, was a human being one minute earlier. But the question
is likely to pause less on the question whether the fetus as
human, than on Al Gore as self-serving manipulator.

Ms. Wattelton, though annoyed with Gore for having been
unorthodox in years gone by, provides him a little cover.
She tells her readers that Ronald Reagan used to be pro-
choice, as also was George (the former president) Bush. It
is true that Gov. Reagan signed a permissive abortion bill,
but Ms. Wattelton fails to record (perhaps she isn't aware of
it?) that in his private journals in future years he deeply
bemoaned having done so. Those journals were not written for
reporters to read before a primary vote. And Mr. Bush did
indeed change his position. It is fair to say, in a world
where opportunism is the presumptive motive, that he was
prompted to do so by political considerations in 1980. But
fair also to say that hard thought on the issue brought him
around, and that he was arguably sincere in his conversion.

The trouble Al Gore gives is the fortified presumption that
his policy positions are opportunistic for the simple reason
that he disguises his record in order to curry favor with the
target constituency. This is a real problem for the vice
president. Why couldn't he have said that, back in 1984, he
gave serious thought to the possibility that a fetus was human.
But that now, political ice ages later, he believes that the
women's reproductive-rights constituency have the better of
the argument and that therefore he will fight to keep Roe v.
Wade in place. Would not the Faye Watteltons of the world
prefer to hear it said in that way?

The central problem is that those who want political power
are, in most cases, drawn to temporize when giving views
different from those disclosed by the pollsters as
representing the views of the majority. There are political
moments when the mandate comes in athwart of political
opinion, and then one treads desperately on the tightrope,
as Abraham Lincoln did, devoted to the emancipation of the
slaves, and to the doctrine of self-government.

Mr. Gore has failed to justify the confidence owed to those
who sincerely wrestle with the polarizing demands of
conscience and ambition.


****************************************************
End of ON THE RIGHT
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