-Caveat Lector-   <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">
</A> -Cui Bono?-

February 10, 2000

                    National security slide



                    Robert Charles

                         Like a new dawn, when black turns to blue, blue
                    goes pink, and pink begets sunshine, Ronald Reagan
                    ushered in the end of the Cold War, now more than
                    a decade ago. In that moment, when the Berlin Wall
                    fell, national security began a barely perceptible slide
                    � in the public mind � toward secondary status as
                    a political issue. No alarm bells sounded, but military
                    service and national security seemed, almost
                    overnight, quaint preoccupations of the Kennan and
                    Kennedy generations. Within the Clinton
                    administration, a similar shift appears to have
                    occurred.

                         In what seems a cascade of avoidable security
                    breaches by the Clinton administration, a gradual fog
                    of carelessness, dismissiveness, indignation and
                    indifference has quietly settled over the guardianship
                    of our national security. Gone is the new dawn. Here
                    is a frightening disconnect between high-placed
                    guardians of our nation's secrets and the unforgiving
                    nature of foreign security threats.

                         Last week, CIA Director George Tenet told a
                    Senate committee that his predecessor, John
                    Deutsch, was "sloppy" when Mr. Deutsch reportedly
                    took highly classified documents home, put them on
                    his home computer, used the same computer to
                    access Internet (pornography) sites and received
                    e-mail from a "former Russian scientist." In response,
                    Mr. Tenet "stripped Mr. Deutsch of his security
                    clearances" last August, 32 months after a CIA
                    investigation into Mr. Deutsch's "computer practices"
                    began in December 1996.

                         How could a high-ranking administration official,
                    much less the acting director of the CIA, not have
                    known classified documents do not leave the office,
                    in fact are routinely re-placed in a pre-approved
                    safe? How could such an official not have known his
                    home computer is not secure, indeed is a likely
                    hacker target? How could he not have been briefed
                    on the vulnerability of his hard drive to outside
                    intrusion?

                         More simply: How could he not have paused to
                    see the obvious security threat posed by e-mail
                    opened from a former Russian scientist, e-mail that
                    could easily have fed the content on his hard drive
                    back to the source? In short, the national security
                    threat was perceived as so low that Cold War
                    precautions, rules, procedures and common sense
                    did not apply. As a result, Mr. Tenet testified there
                    was no "sure way to tell" that the "enormously
                    sensitive material" had not been compromised or
                    "hacked into by international adversaries."

                         Mr. Deutsch's lax attitude, however, is not
                    unique. What it highlights is a pattern of ambivalence
                    toward national security precautions within key
                    segments of the Clinton administration. During the
                    1995 House Waco investigation, for example, White
                    House Counsel Abner Mikva argued that White
                    House documents surrounding the incident were too
                    sensitive to be disgorged to Congress. A few
                    mornings later, on July 15, 1995, Congress awoke to
                    find a senior associate White House counsel had
                    taken highly sensitive "copies of original notes"
                    concerning Waco home with her, and these notes,
                    placed in a gym bag, had reportedly been stolen from
                    her car. The question that ricocheted around the
                    Capitol, and remains relevant today: How could a
                    White House counsel � holding a top secret
                    clearance � have failed to treat such notes with
                    greater care? What other documents were treated so
                    glibly, with what unknown consequences?

                         Enter example three: On Jan. 17 of this year, an
                    inspector general (IG) reported that "State
                    Department security officials failed to sweep scores
                    of rooms for bugging devices and repeatedly failed to
                    account for highly classified documents," and that "lax
                    security procedures" characterized handling of
                    "sensitive compartmented information (SCI), the
                    government's most sensitive intelligence reports."
                    Indeed, "140 offices handling those materials had
                    never been swept for listening devices," a fact that
                    came home to roost when a Russian spy was
                    apprehended listening to meetings in one such room
                    by remote bug. How many other bugs were not
                    discovered, or were disposed of after sensitive
                    material was lost? These are legitimate and deeply
                    troubling questions. The same IG found "239 of the
                    1,890 SCI reports distributed from the super-secret
                    National Security Agency's Cryptological Support
                    Group had not been returned . . . ."

                         Enter example four: Energy, elections and China.
                    Where does one begin? Computers, clearances,
                    oversight, intelligence, nuclear secrets, access and
                    attitudes all compromised. The comeback �
                    indignation, denial, turf protection and minimization.

                         National security is not a game or a ruse. Even
                    today, the United States has a substantial number of
                    detractors, enemies and not-so-well-wishers.
                    Caution is as relevant as ever. What has changed is
                    the nature of the threat to our society and intelligence
                    repositories. Today, our foreign enemies are more
                    diffuse, tech-savvy and attentive to our carelessness.
                    They are no less jealous of our freedoms, and no less
                    committed to undermining U.S. interests. They are
                    better-funded and more often tied to the narcotics
                    trade, adversaries in the Far East and proceeds of
                    international crime. They are clever, Net-ready,
                    ruthless, linked to terrorist organizations, and quick
                    to pounce on U.S. complacency. In short, the foreign
                    threat is more insidious.

                         There should be no refuge in the fog of indignant
                    detachment � a fog that conveniently obscures
                    issues about which we must think. Truth, Mr. Reagan
                    once said, is a stubborn thing. Respecting history, it is
                    time to consciously re-orient ourselves. We must
                    think again about national security. Our national
                    leaders must protect it assiduously, because there are
                    those who assiduously strive to imperil it. National
                    security is precious, even post-Cold War. Both the
                    administration and Congress should perform regular
                    sweeps of sensitive offices, follow
                    document-handling procedures, insist that staff and
                    top policy-makers get security refreshers, discipline
                    themselves to learn the high-tech threat, and recall
                    that the fog of indifference can be as dangerous as
                    the dead of a Cold War night.

                         Robert B. Charles was chief of staff and chief
                    counsel to the House Government Reform National
                    Security Subcommittee (1995-1999) and led
                    congressional delegations to the Middle East and
                    South America on security issues (1996-1999).




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