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Samizdat 2000
by Christine Stone
Antiwar.com
May 12, 2000

Is Britain Heading for Fraudulent Elections?

Britain prides itself on being a model democracy. Its Foreign Secretary, Robin
Cook, is always berating countries as far apart as Belarus and Zimbabwe on
their failure to hold free and fair elections. But, are things in this country
as rosy as people believe?

London now has its first elected mayor The maverick, left-wing politician, Ken
Livingstone, was predictably chosen by a wide margin in a poll held on 4th May.
At the same time, Londoners elected a new assembly which will govern the
capital alongside hundreds of local councillors representing the London
boroughs as well as the MPs who represent their interests in the House of
Commons.

This profusion of government at all levels is part of New Labour’s policy of
devolving power and bringing decision making closer to ‘the people’. To do
this, the Blair government has introduced all manner of changes to the way
Britain is governed and passed a new election law, the Representation of the
People Act 2000, which gives people greater opportunities to vote. Its aim is
to increase the turnout at elections for all these tiers of government.

In fact, since the Second World War turnout in British parliamentary elections
has been consistently high – between 70% and 80%. The lowest point, ironically,
being Labour’s landslide victory in the 1997 general election when turnout
dropped to 71%. However, people have been less enthusiastic in demonstrating
their support for those who deal with unromantic things in their local
communities like the drains and the roads. Turnout at local elections always
hovers around the 30% mark.

Bertrand Russell noted that boredom was a feature of stable and prosperous
democracies. The fact that only c.50% of people vote in American presidential
elections is a sign of the country’s maturity rather than its decline, he said.
It is to places further east that we must turn to see the results of high
turnouts: participation in Soviet elections regularly exceeded 97%. We know
that these numbers were pulled out of a hat, so to speak. But not entirely.
People really did go to the polling stations in great numbers. It was more than
their livelihoods were worth not to do so.

BOOSTING THE TURNOUT SOVIET-STYLE

But the latest fad of getting more people to vote risks imitating the Soviet
Union in ways that seem to have been given little consideration by our
legislators. From my long experience of observing elections in the former
Soviet Union I can see that several practices introduced or extended by the new
legislation are all too familiar in that part of the world.

For example, it is going to be much easier in the future to assist people to
vote. Whereas previous legislation allowed for the blind to be given help in
the polling station the new qualification applies to "blindness or other
physical incapacity." There seems to be no need to prove evidence of
‘incapacity’ – the "presiding officer" only has to be satisfied with the
situation before him. It is not unimaginable, therefore, that some people might
seek to ‘help’ their elderly (incapacitated) relatives to vote. The sight of
old ladies and gentlemen being "assisted" in the polling booths sometimes by
their children but often by able-bodied people whose relationship is unclear is
all too familiar in the former Communist world. It is called "family voting"
and looked upon benignly as a "tradition" which will go away when people fully
grasp the nettle of democracy at best. It is hardly the stuff of progress.

The new law also boosts the use of proxy and postal voting, which again reduces
the number of people who need to show their faces in the local polling station.
Anyone who wants to can now vote by post. There is no real procedure for
checking on who actually casts the vote.

The rules regarding voter registration have been relaxed. A fixed period for
registration has been replaced by a "rolling" electoral register, which can be
added to throughout the year. The voter may not even (yet) be resident in a
particular place – he or she may vote if they can show that they will reside in
the area in the near future. There is also a provision for those with no fixed
address – like the homeless – to vote by giving a "declaration of locality." It
is easy to see how the numbers on a register could be swelled by such means as
there seems to be no provision for checking up on whether or not the said
‘declaration’ is true or bogus.

While registration can take place at any time, so can removal from the
register. If the returning officer is satisfied that someone is no longer
entitled to be registered his/her name can be erased. It is easy to imagine a
case whereby someone goes to vote and finds his name has been removed – maybe
mistakenly – from the roll. However, it is then too late to rectify the
situation.

In either case, unscrupulous officials can inflate or reduce the size of the
electorate in ways that can easily affect the outcome of the poll. Many
constituencies in Britain are held by narrow margins, particularly after the
last election. A few extra votes here or there can easily alter the outcome of
the poll.

It is worth remembering how few officials run British elections. They are all
members of the Labour-affiliated trades union, UNISON. One returning officer
from a constituency near Oxford told me while we observed an election in
Armenia that he had never met a Tory returning officer! He was also a fund of
anecdotes about how some of the more committed of his colleagues had already
found ways to add voters to the register after its official closure. The worst
case he cited was in a Liberal Democrat-controlled seat where candidate and
returning officer holidayed together!

Seeing how many returning officers from Britain have acted as election
observers in post-Soviet countries where the crudest manipulations of the
ballot have been endorsed on the basis that the "reformers" won, the political
bias of them as a class could have been taught a lesson or two on how to
produce the "right" result by the old Soviet hands whom US State Department and
British Foreign Office have endorsed as our boys.

IT COULDN'T HAPPEN HERE

Of course the losers often cannot believe that cheating takes place in jolly
old England and in any case even if they get a rerun voters simply punish them
as poor losers.

But things are set to get easier for anyone trying to flesh out the voters’
list in Britain. There will be two registers. The complete one which will only
be displayed in specific places prior to an election and a ‘doctored’ version
available all year round. MPs were exercised by the prospect of violent
husbands pursuing their battered wives or stalkers terrorising celebrities via
the register and gave those who wished the opportunity to remove their names
and addresses from the second, more widely available, version.

On top of all the relaxations listed above the government has made it much
easier to vote where or when you want. Should a local authority seek permission
it can set up polling stations in places like shopping malls and supermarkets
to entice shoppers to vote. Polling stations (and the supermarkets) can now
remain open for "more than one day" before the poll and afterwards as well. The
use of the mobile box will also be increased, especially in remote areas –
although nowhere is that remote in modern Britain.

It is something of an irony that Belarus hailed as a dictatorship in the mould
of Stalin and Pol Pot , should be proposing an end to early voting as we in
Britain embrace the idea. Wherever I have come across the practice it has
always seemed less than transparent. For one thing, finding people to man
polling stations for several days in a row is no easy matter. Any odd soul is
eventually co-opted to sit, bored and distracted in the village hall for hours
on end. Control of the ballot boxes during the long days (and nights) also
presents problems – something blithely ignored by British legislators.
However, there was much excitement as several places in Britain tried out the
pilot schemes in local supermarkets during the May local elections. Alas,
despite the hyperbole the (low) level of participation in the poll remained
overall unaffected.

Nor did electronic counting machines ( also used for the first time) appear to
be all they were cracked up to be. Dust got into the ones used to count the
ballots in the London mayoral election and they had to be dismantled and
reassembled. But, said the Guardian newspaper, with no hint of irony, these
machines had proved successful in places like Bosnia where all elections, as
far as I can tell, have been a farce! The first one held in Bosnia after Dayton
in September, 1997, certainly boosted the turnout – 107% of the people who
would have been 18 or older according to the 1991 census cast their votes in
that internationally-supervised shambles!

Of course, people will be shocked by my assumption that there could be anything
so crude as election fraud in a place like Britain. All these changes are,
after all, predicated on the fact that we are an honest lot. But is that really
true?

In the eighteenth century Britain’s elections were a byword for grotesquery and
fraud. Artists like Hogarth lampooned the bribery, drunkenness and chaos
surrounding the (many) elections that took place in the country’s seedy rotten
and pocket boroughs. But, by the end of the nineteenth century electoral reform
had removed most of the worst abuses. In recent years the very idea of election
fraud would not cross people’s minds – the minimal checks used on polling day
in Great Britain bear testimony to the general level of trust people have in
the whole process.

But the laxity in the system has produced abuse over the years. For example,
many students have regularly registered themselves to vote twice, both at their
university and at their home address. And, at least two constituencies were
investigated for foul play after the 1997 election.

However, nothing can compete with the long-term electoral abuse that has taken
place in Northern Ireland. In March 1998 a parliamentary committee reported on
the regular use of personation (voting for someone else), bogus registration
and multiple voting over the years in Ulster elections. At the same time,
William MacCrae, the defeated candidate in the 1997 election in Mid-Ulster
claimed that the election to Parliament of Martin McGuiness, hero of the
Northern Irish ‘peace process’, had been marred by fraud. In the hours before
the deadline, over 10,000 applications were received for absentee voting in the
poll, a large proportion from one party (it remained unsaid that this was Sinn
Fein).

A friendly Northern Irish Catholic waiter from an Oxford restaurant told me in
1997 that on the eve of polling the "Boys" had been round as usual to ask his
aged mother, "Declan – still away is he?" and then take the polling card from
the mantle-piece.

REFERENDUMS GALORE

Another strange episode occurred in 1997. New Labour was determined to bring
devolved government to Scotland and Wales via referendums scheduled to take
place soon after the election. The Scots have always embraced the idea of self-
government but the Welsh showed little interest in hosting their own
parliament. Many people in Wales were resentful, anyway, of what they called
the ‘Tafia’ – a tightly-knit group of businessmen, politicians and local
officials who controlled all lucrative jobs and contracts in the municipality.
In their jaundiced eyes, a Welsh parliament would only bring more of the same.
Opinion polls consistently showed that Labour would be lucky to get the idea
through and on the nail-biting night of the referendum, 18th. September, 1997
they nearly didn’t. Only a last minute surge in support brought victory to the
‘yes’ campaign with a slender majority of 6,700 or 0.6%.

In January 1998, The Scotsman newspaper published allegations (made by the
local Labour Party in Wales) that the result was marred by fraud, particularly
in the count. Polling agents for the "No" camp had not been allowed to
scrutinize the count, ballot boxes had not been properly identified and the
whole process of counting itself had been "haphazard." It took many more hours
to count the simple "Yes" or "No" papers than it had after the general election
only months earlier when there had been a much higher turnout. The worst
offenders seemed to have been in the Caerphilly constituency of Mr. Ron Davies,
the man chosen by Tony Blair to run the newly devolved assembly. It was the
6,000 votes from here that turned defeat into victory. To make matters worse
Davies had boasted at the annual Labour Party conference that it was his
constituency that delivered the result. But, people asked, how could he have
known where the 6000 votes came from?

The magazine Private Eye recently reminded its readers of the allegations
surrounding the Welsh referendum calling them a smoking gun that could explode
any time in the face of the government. There are obviously people out there
who know the truth. However, legally, nothing can be done as there is no right
of appeal in Great Britain against the conduct or results of referenda. The
scandal blew over, and a few months later, the Queen opened the new Welsh
assembly in a dingy panelled room in Cardiff to the accompaniment of two lady
harpists dressed in trouser suits.

Events in Scotland were not without their peculiarities. The referendum there
endorsed, as expected, a similar assembly but Scots faced two questions and the
second was more controversial. It asked whether voters backed giving the new
Scottish parliament tax-raising powers. BBC radio news reported at 9 a.m. on
polling day that many voters in Glasgow, Scotland’s biggest city and parts of
Edinburgh, the capital, had not been given the paper with the second question.
Yet when the results were announced there was no statistically appreciable
difference between turnout in both parts of the referendum.

Mainland Britain, a country which had only held two referendums since the
Second World War, is fast catching up on a European trend. There have been
three already since Labour came to power with the most important – that on
entry into the single European currency – looming after the next election. As
many people are aware, the government is determined to win this one. The events
in Wales combined with the relaxation over all aspects of voting procedures in
Britain should give many people pause for thought, especially as there will be
no redress whatsoever for any accusations of mistakes or foul play.

Unfortunately, I see no sign of any opposition party even considering the
possibility of voter fraud. The debates that preceded the passage of the new
election act were shallow and full of irrelevancies. Journalists seem to find
the new ideas – extending polling hours and voting at Walmart – an exciting
development without having asked what goes on in places where such practices
are common. Academics with an interest in psephological matters usually support
electoral reform i.e. proportional representation. As Britain is introducing PR
gradually in some local and European elections they are happy too.

Much of the New Labour agenda depends for its success upon such complacency.
But there are signs that the British people themselves are tired of the endless
meddling with their institutions for no perceived benefit. They are beginning
to vote against the government. So, it will be interesting to see whether the
Labour Party goes down gracefully when the time comes or whether it – or some
of its more fanatical supporters – exploit some of the holes now left wide open
in the country’s election laws to remain in power. What worked for Wales could
just as well work in Britain as a whole.

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