----- Original Message ----- From: "brew meister" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> To: "July 30 in Philly" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Sent: Thursday, June 15, 2000 1:14 AM Subject: [July30] Are the Missing Hard Drives Political Foul Play? > July 30 in Philly - www.unity2000.com > > Are the Missing Hard Drives Political Foul Play? > > Two computer hard drives containing highly sensitive information on nuclear > weapons designs were found to be missing from Los Alamos National Laboratory > May 7 when staffers, concerned about a wildfire approaching the Laboratory, > went in to remove sensitive items from the vault for safekeeping. The lab > was shut down because of the fire from May 8 to May 22. > > On May 22, the very same day the Laboratory reopened, GOP presidential > candidate George W. Bush addressed the National Press Club in Washington DC > and launched into a blistering attack of the Clinton Administration's > National Security Policy. In the week that followed, while officials at the > Laboratory conducted a futile search for the drives which went unreported in > the national media, Bush continued his attack of the Clinton > Administration's National Security Policy. > > As Laboratory officials continued their search for the drives, on Tuesday, > May 30, Bush promised to hang an ``under new management'' sign on the > Pentagon, and vowed to lift morale in the military and restore readiness to > U.S. forces. Lashing out at Vice President Al Gore, Bush accused Gore of > helping to preside over a significant decline in preparedness by asking the > military ``to do too much with too little,'' and called for ``a clear > mission statement'' and a long-term strategic plan. While laboratory > officials searched in vein for the drives, Bush dismissed as "unnecessary" > an offer of a briefing with top military brass on U.S. nuclear security from > Defense Secretary William Cohen, a fellow Republican who serves in the > Democratic administration of Clinton and Gore. > > There are three possible scenarios which might explain the missing drives. > First, it is possible that the drives were simply misplaced. Second, it is > possible that a traitor existed within the Los Alamos National Laboratory > who had access to the drives and stole them for delivery to enemies of the > United States. > > As ominous as the implications of espionage by foreign agents are for the > security of the United States, a third possibility raises equally ominous > implications for the democracy of the United States. > > It is possible that that the drives were stolen not by agents working for > foreign enemies of the United States, but rather by a domestic agent working > on behalf of the Bush presidential campaign. > > Certainly the timing of the security breach could not have been more > convenient for Bush. Nor could the security breach have been more > politically damaging to Presidential Candidate Albert Gore, or his > presumptive running mate, Energy Secretary Bill Richardson. Nor is it > beyond the imagination that the Bush family would have the means and the > motive to engage in such chicanery. > > In recent years, historians and scholars have gathered damning evidence of > Bush's father's complicity in prolonging the kidnapping of the 52 American > hostages in 1980, as part of a scheme to ensure Ronald Reagan's election; > the so-called "October Surprise." > > On at least two occasions after Clinton's victory in 1992, Iranian > emissaries told Clinton insiders that Iran was willing to turn over evidence > about secret Republican contacts with Islamic radicals close to the late > Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, according to sources involved in those > overtures. > > But on both occasions -- once as early as the Clinton transition period in > late 1992 and again in 1994 -- Clinton spurned the offers, the sources said. > He apparently feared the contacts could open him to charges of playing > politics. > > The Iranian overtures in 1992 and 1994, however, did not stand alone. Since > 1980, other well-placed Iranian officials have indicated publicly that the > Reagan-Bush campaign made clandestine contacts with Iran during the > Reagan-vs.-Carter election campaign. > > Iranian leaders alleging GOP contacts have included the late Foreign > Minister Sadegh Ghotbzadeh, Defense Minister Ahmad Madani and President > Abolhassan Bani-Sadr. > > The 1994 approach represented another high-level contact, reportedly coming > from Kamal Kharrazi, who was then Iranian representative to the United > Nations and who is now foreign minister in the Khatemi administration. > > Though Clinton let those opportunities slip away, a mass of new October > Surprise evidence has grown since Clinton's election in 1992. This evidence > includes: > > --Testimony from French intelligence chief Alexandre deMarenches's > biographer that deMarenches admitted setting up meetings between Reagan's > campaign chief William Casey and Iranian radicals in Paris in October 1980. > > In December 1992, biographer David Andelman told a House task force that > deMarenches described the GOP-Iranian meetings, but kept the information out > of his memoirs to protect the Reagan-Bush legacy. > > The House task force judged Andelman's testimony "credible" and noted that > it was corroborated by two other French intelligence officials. But the > House task force still concluded that the allegations of Iran-Republican > meetings in Paris were baseless. [For an explanation of the task force's > circuitous logic, see Trick or Treason.] > > --A letter from former Iranian President Bani-Sadr detailing Iran's internal > battles fought over the Republican hostage-delay initiative. > > Bani-Sadr told the task force that he learned of the GOP plan after a > meeting in Madrid on July 2, 1980, involving Khomeini's nephew, Reza > Passendideh; Iranian banker Cyrus Hashemi, who had close ties to Casey's > business network; and GOP lawyer Stanley Pottinger. > > "Passendideh told me that if I do not accept this proposal, they [the > Republicans] would make the same offer to my rivals," Bani-Sadr wrote on > Dec. 17, 1992. Passindideh "further said that they [the Republicans] have > enormous influence in the CIA . Lastly, he told me my refusal of their offer > would result in my elimination." > > Bani-Sadr claimed that he resisted the GOP scheme but that the plan was > accepted by the Khomeini faction. > > Despite Bani-Sadr's details, the House task force judged that he had > "mistakenly misled" himself into believing "that Khomeini representatives > met with Reagan campaign officials." > > --A secret report from the Russian government in January 1993, outlining > what Moscow's intelligence files contained about the GOP hostage initiative. > The report, prepared by Sergei Stepashin (who later became Russia's prime > minister), cited three meetings between Casey and Iranians in Europe during > 1980. > > The Stepashin report implicated President Reagan, Vice President George > Bush, Casey and CIA official Robert Gates. > > The House task force offered no public explanation -- or even mention -- of > the Stepashin report. [For the text, see iF Magazine, July-Aug. 1999.] > > --An offer from the German government to the Clinton administration to share > October Surprise material discovered in the files of the East German > intelligence service, the Stasi. > > --An admission from Palestinian leader Yasir Arafat to Jimmy Carter that > Republicans had sought Arafat's help in their scheme to delay the hostage > release. [For details, see Diplomatic History, Fall 1996.] > > Arafat's admission in early 1996 was corroborated by longtime Palestinian > spokesman Bassam Abu Sharif and a Middle Eastern diplomat, Mustafa Zein, who > reportedly served as middleman for the Republican approach to Arafat. > > --Zein's account of his work for the Republicans, contained in a sealed > appendix to a lawsuit, "Zein vs. the United States," which is now before the > U.S. Court of Claims in Washington. > > The appendix was scheduled to be unsealed in August, but the Justice > Department objected, a move that continues to keep the information secret > from the American people. > > --New corroboration of Israeli intelligence official Ari Ben-Menashe's claim > that he possessed sensitive information and was not the "impostor" or > "low-level translator" that the Israeli government called him. > > In sworn testimony to Congress, Ben-Menashe asserted that Bush and Gates > took part in the October Surprise operation. According to Ben-Menashe, > senior Israeli officials assisted the Republican scheme because they viewed > Carter as a threat to continued Israeli control of the West Bank. [See iF > Magazine, Sept.-Oct. 1999] > > --New details from a key Iranian, Jamshid Hashemi, who says Casey was > helping Teheran transfer money in late 1979. Casey, then a private lawyer, > "was the man who was actually putting all these things together," Hashemi > said in an interview. [For details, see iF Magazine, Nov.-Dec. 1997] > > Jamshid Hashemi, the elder brother of the late Cyrus Hashemi, also said > House Republicans pressured him in 1992 to recant his testimony. Instead, > Jamshid Hashemi reiterated his account of hostage discussions between Casey > and radical mullah Mehdi Karrubi in Madrid, Spain, in summer 1980. > > While Washington's conventional wisdom has moved little on the October > Surprise case -- still dismissing the allegations as a kooky "conspiracy > theory" -- some historians treat the suspicions almost as fact. > > In his 1997 Carter biography, Jimmy Carter, writer Peter Bourne reported > that Casey "had established his own channels to Teheran through > relationships in the French intelligence community." > > Bourne described these Europeans as "professional operatives who ... were > cold-bloodedly involved in breaking of governments through clandestine > deals" and "who could keep secrets even if it meant perjuring themselves." > > Bourne also cited a motive for CIA officers to join the plot. "Carter was > widely disliked," Bourne wrote, "while Casey and Reagan's vice presidential > nominee, George Bush, were considered members of the club." > > Bush, who was CIA director in 1976, recalled that "I came here when the > agency was under fire" from "nasty press coverage, the out-of-control > hearings back on Capitol Hill." > > While not direct evidence that Bush joined an intelligence coup against > President Carter in 1980, the intensity of Bush's feelings could explain why > he might have seen a Republican victory as vital to protect his CIA friends. > > Assuming Bush had the capability to arrange a secret deal to delay the > release of U.S. citizens held as hostages in Revolutionary Iran, arranging > the removal of hard drives from the Los Alamos National Laboratory, by > comparison, would have been a simple errand. The Clinton Administration has > actively suppressed much of the information surrounding the October Surprise > from the American Public, fearful that these revelations would be seen as > playing politics. As Laboratory personnel are subjected to polygraph > examinations in the coming weeks, it will be interesting to see if new > relations concerning the drives missing from the Los Alamos Laboratory are > similarly suppressed. > > The Daily Brew > www.thedailybrew.com > > > ______________________________________________________________________ > To unsubscribe, write to [EMAIL PROTECTED] > ______________________________________________________________________ > Start Your Own FREE Email List at http://www.listbot.com <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please! 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