e - lit - ist
adj.
of, having, or advocating elitism
noun
1 one who advocates elitism
2 a person who is or who believes himself or
herself to be a member of an elite group
======================================================
7/22/00
Have you ever asked yourself why the head of an avowed Communist revolutionary
movement was permitted, or even helped to become the head of an important
African country with economic ties to the West?
Nelson Mandella was a saint and beyond reproach. He suffered for the cause and
prevailed. The apartheid elites were forced to make way for new elites by the
world's internationalist elites. Racism does not pay in a world of
international businesses and consumers.
But Mandella was a Communist wasn't
he? Didn't the West go to a lot of trouble and taxpayer expense to overthrow
half the governments in the world in order to prevent just such a scenario as
had taken place in the Republic of South Africa?
It doesn't make sense does it? How is that all the West's capitalist leaders
are in love with a Communist? The answer is ELITISM. The West never cared that
they did business with non-Capitalists as long as they did business.
But how can you fund a cold war against World Communism and maintain a brain
washed population of anti Communists while at the same time implementing
economic ties with China and the old Soviet Union?
The answer is ELITISM.
The conversion to a New World Economic Order which intends to dismantle the
nation state in favor of political control by a world internationalist elite
consisting of multinational financial institutions, international corporations,
and international labor unions is being implemented from the top down. By each
country's elites. It is a network of elites centered in the USA, Europe, and
Japan who are the movers and shakers of the New World Order as George Bush Sr.
called it.
How do you get a country like the Republic of South Africa, or Israel, or
Canada,
or Mexico, or Russia, or S. Korea, to give up national sovereignty without a
revolt? Make sure that only those elites who accept the " inevitability " of a
worldwide Capitalist ' Free Market ' system get to be elected. But you must be
sure that they have a heavy financial stake in bringing about the changes
successfully.
The clearest example of how it is done is in the United States where the system
of politics it TOTALLY dominated by internationalists. While American voters are
still distracted by irrelevancies like Democrat or Republican, and Liberal or
Conservative, they don't ever get to focus on the fact that the real driving
issue is the internationalization of the culture, the political system, and
most importantly, the economy.
But not every local population is as easily brainwashed as Americans. It takes
great effort to " fix " them. Tnis is where a Vincente Fox, or an Ehud Barak,
or a Yassir Arafat, or a Tony Blair and even a Nelson Mandella come in.
Mandella the Communist, Barak the Israelis' best known hawk, Blair of New Labor
(so new infact,that it bears a striking resemblance to Laissez Faire Capitalism)
and the others serve the function that Richard Nixon did at the height of the
Cold War. Sell out your constituencies in favor of the Rich and powerful's
attempt to implement the system that suits them the most and makes it easier
to exploit everyone everywhere. For their help in the completion this task,
local elites are guaranteed fame and fortune and get to join the Big Boys in
playing the Big Game.
Mandella carried on a long secretive campaign against the Socialists and
hard core Communists in the ANC. Some died, and others were discredited for
their efforts of bringing a " just " economic system to South Africa. Instead
they got an old man who could be easily convinced that what is good for him
is also good for South Africa. But Capitalism is Capitalism, and it doesn't
take long to see who benefits from changes and who is still getting screwed.
When Mandella left office his hand picked successor assured the world's
elites of continuity.
But there is just one little intsy bitsy snag in the best laid plans of the
elites. NON-ELITES. Unfortunately non-elites don't really benefit from these
changes and still feel identified with their countries. And they are catching
on. Elites = from .05%, to at most 10% of any given population ( depending on
how you count them ). Non-elites ARE ALWAYS THE VAST MAJORITY. Elites only
get their way by subversion, corruption, and distraction. Otherwise power is
always with the masses.
There are only two antidotes to elitism. One is the Tsar Nicholas solution,
and the other is democracy. REAL DEMOCRACY. Not elite
concocted election shows where voters get to chose one internationalist over
the other, but where there is a wide variety of choices offered to everyone.
James Carvelle and the DemocRAT spin machine was dispatched to Israel to make
sure that Netanyahu would not get re-elected, and that Labor was reinstated.
The Israeli Labor Party is the stable of internationalist elites. Netanyahu
didn't work out. He lapsed back into nationalism and would not experiment with
the phony Oslo Peace Plan.
Republican spinmeisters were dispatched to Russia to get Boris Yeltsin ( also a
one time Communist ) re-elected even though he was a drunken fool and thief.
Meanwhile, Russia's non-elites were being physically devastated by the
introduction of capitalism. The Russian people's life expectancy average dropped
from seventy two years, to fifty. Capitalism threw them out of work. Made them
poor. Drove them to drink. Drove them to starve. Drove them to die.
Russia's elites never had it so good.
Vincente Fox was a head of Coca-Cola. Nuff said.
So within the context of this explanation, the report below is really NOT a
political contradiction as stated, but an inevitable eruption of mass control
when elite illusions can no longer be sustained.
Joshua2
======================================================
http://www.stratfor.com/SERVICES/giu2000/072100.ASP
South Africa�s Political Contradiction
21 July 2000
Summary
South African President Thabo Mbeki�s economic policies are
coming under fire �
from his own party, the African National Congress. Under
pressure from a slow
economy and upcoming elections, Mbeki will likely retreat from
his market-oriented stance. But a larger issue remains � the deep
ideological divide that may split the African National Congress.
Analysis
Opposition is increasing to the
market-oriented economic policies of South African
President Thabo Mbeki. But the resistance is coming from
the ruling African National Congress (ANC) � Mbeki�s
own party. The ANC�s general council met last
week for a mid-term soul-searching session and emerged
with plans to wrest control from the government�s bureaucrats and
technocrats, and therefore increase its influence over economic policy.
Facing a struggling economy and eroding party, the ANC will likely
force Mbeki to back away from his free-market economic stance.
The African National Congress has been the dominant political
force in South Africa since the abolition of apartheid in 1991. It controls
just less than than two-thirds of the seats in parliament and has produced the
last two presidents.
Often called �The Party of Mandela� the ANC has essentially run South
Africa�s government since 1994. But times are tough for the party.
Its paid membership is down 50 percent from five years ago, local branches
are beset with scandal, and � by Mbeki�s own admission � the party is becoming
increasingly alienated from voters. Bad news,
since the party faces local elections in November.
The crisis within the ANC is occurring in the midst of South
Africa�s continued economic malaise. The country is in the fourth year of an
economic program designed to encourage foreign investment and stabilize South
Africa�s economy.
The GEAR (Growth, Employment, and Redistribution) policy has
decreased government spending, reduced inflation, cut tariffs and trimmed
the national debt. But it hasn�t made things better for the average worker. In
fact, more than half a million jobs have been eliminated in the last decade.
South Africa�s GDP is growing, but slowly, at about 3 percent this year.
Unemployment is around 30 percent, and the poverty rate is nearly double that.
The tough economic medicine prescribed by the government has
always been hard for ANC party leaders to accept. It spent most of the
apartheid years as a socialist political organization � and had economic
notions to match. Many of its top leadership were even educated in Moscow.
This ambivalence is reinforced by
the ANC political alliance with the South African Communist Party and the
Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) � South
Africa�s powerful labor union. Both of these groups want the government to
focus on job creation and social spending, not investor climate.
Thus South Africa�s political contradiction � technocrats,
appointed by the ANC, have overruled the ruling party�s ideas about economics.
But the ANC has begun reasserting itself against the
technocrats. It backed a Cosatu-organized national strike May 10 � a strike
thatbprotested against job losses from the government�s economic program.
In essence, the ruling party endorsed a protest against the policies of its
own government.
Besides pushing the government from the outside, the ANC has
apparently decided to increase its hold over the government from the
inside. In fact, this was a specific policy decision announced by ANC
Secretary-General Kgalema Motlanthe after last week�s council meeting,
according to the Mail and Guardian, a South African daily.
The party will apply pressure in at least two ways. It is
setting up a policy institute to breed ideas, stimulate debate and
develop talent � a small step, but
useful in the long term. The ANC also has plans to �redeploy�
senior politicians, including Cabinet ministers, from their
current positions and into local governments. Although touted as a means
to revive the party at the grassroots, the move smells like a purge.
President Mbeki is a pragmatist and will likely compromise
under concentrated pressure from his own party. He might be forced to
give up his hope for tax-free zones for foreign manufacturers, or at least
trade it for increased social spending
and job creation. In any event, South Africa�s economic policy
will shift away from the free market doctrine it has embraced.
But a larger problem exists in the longer term. A fundamental
division exists within the ANC between free-traders, who occupy many top
government posts, and old socialists, who carry much weight with the
rank-and-file. This division is deep, ideological, and unlikely to be bridged
easily. It may be enough to split the ANC.
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