-Caveat Lector-

The 220-page Cox Report is now available online at

http://policy.house.gov/russia/home.html

RUSSIA'S ROAD TO CORRUPTION


How the Clinton Administration Exported Government Instead of Free
Enterprise and Failed the Russian People

Members of the Speaker's Advisory Group on Russia
United States House of Representatives 106th Congress
Hon. Christopher Cox, Chairman
Chairman, House Policy Committee

Stefan Lemieszewski

=======================================================

San Jose Mercury News
September 24, 2000

Clinton-Gore team aided Russian economy's demise

BY CHRISTOPHER COX

Rep. Christopher Cox, R-Newport Beach, is the chairman of the
Speaker's Advisory Group on Russia and chairman of the House
Policy Committee. He wrote this article for Perspective.

The collapse of the Soviet Union brought to an end one of the
cruelest, most violent, least humane and most viciously
ideological empires in the history of the world. The West's
victory in the Cold War presented America with its greatest
foreign-policy opportunity since the end of World War II:

Just as America's defeated enemies, Nazi Germany and Imperial
Japan, became free-enterprise democracies and close U.S. allies,
so, too, might the new Russian federation.

In the final days of the Soviet Union, Communist Party General
Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev desperately sought billions of
dollars in foreign loans, and many in the West endorsed a policy
of providing enormous amounts of aid in an attempt to save the
collapsing Soviet economy. But President Bush believed this would
not work. ``A shortage of foreign capital is not what plunged
your economy into crisis, nor can your economic ills be cured by
an infusion of cash,'' he told the Moscow State Institute for
International Relations in a speech July 31, 1991, five months
before the Soviet Union ended.

Bush's advice for Soviet state Instead, Bush stressed the
importance of building free enterprise and deconstructing the
Soviet state.

This approach produced dramatic early success. Before 1993,
Moscow worked harmoniously with Washington across virtually the
entire spectrum of international issues -- including Operation
Desert Storm, waged against the Soviet Union's client state Iraq,
and arms control, culminating in a START 2 treaty that will slash
U.S. and Russian nuclear arsenals by 66 percent.

At the outset of the Clinton administration, building a
relationship withthe United States was the highest priority for
Russia.

But the Clinton administration failed to capitalize on this
opportunity. It used America's enormous influence not to build
the fundamentals of free enterprise, but to strengthen the
finances of the Russian government and transform state-owned
monopolies into private monopolies. Billions of dollars in
Western aid to Russia thus amounted to mere temporizing, and
doomed the corrupt insider ``privatization'' schemes to failure.

Worse, by using massive lending and aid to plug the gap in the
Russian government's operating budget, the Clinton administration
exposed these funds to theft and fraud, and destroyed incentives
to reform. The loans also added to Russia's growing foreign debt,
which continues to burden the central government's operating
budget.

In addition, the Clinton administration's unquestioning support
for a small circle of Russian favorites, despite their corrupt
conduct, damaged Russian perceptions of America. By ignoring and
suppressing evidence of wrongdoingand failure by officials,
including Victor Chernomyrdin and Anatoly Chubais, the Clinton
administration contributed not only to the spread of corruption,
but also to Russia's failure to overcome it.

CIA officials say they provided Vice President Al Gore in 1995
with information about Chernomyrdin that was ``more detailed and
conclusive than allegations of bribery and insider dealing that
have been made in the Russian media and elsewhere.'' Yet when
asked on ``Meet the Press'' as recently as July whether
Chernomyrdin is corrupt, Gore replied: ``I have no idea.''

The Clinton administration also contributed to a climate in which
organized crime has flourished by failing to focus its attention
on replacing communism with the basic elements of free
enterprise.

The culmination of the Clinton administration's advice to Russia
occurred in August 1998, when Russia's default on its debts and
devaluation of the ruble led to the nation's economic collapse.
The disaster was worse than America's Crash of 1929.

The disaster that began Aug. 17, 1998, spread immediately
throughout Russia. Millions of men and women who had deposited
their money in Russian banks lost everything.

In America's Crash of 1929, stock prices fell 17 percent by
year's end; they weren't down 90 percent until four years into
the Great Depression that followed the crash. By contrast, the
Russian stock market lost 90 percent of its value in 1998 alone.

Millions of senior citizens, whose meager pension income had been
suspended for months, were cut off completely. When the dust
finally settled in March 1999, the ruble -- and with it, every
Russian's life savings -- had lost 75 percent of its value.

Many Russians, not surprisingly, blamed the United States for
intentionally leading Russia down the path of ruin. The
heavy-handed and wrong-headed involvement of the Clinton
administration in Russian economic policy made America an obvious
focus of citizen anger. Since the beginning of the Clinton
administration, U.S. officials had urged a steady diet of
borrowing to mask the Russian economy's fundamental weaknesses,
deepening the eventual collapse.

The failure of the Clinton administration's economic strategy for
Russia has had profound implications for Russia's policy on
proliferation of weapons and technology, and therefore for U.S.
national security. The need for hard currency provided an
incentive for Russia to sell sensitive weapons and technology as
quickly as possible to any nation or groups that would buy them.

Consensus on foreign policy

Russian policy soon evolved into a rationalization of these arms
sales. Under the rubric of ``strengthening multipolarity,'' the
purpose of the new Russian consensus on foreign policy and
national security is to check the power of the United States.
This consensus helps allay any concerns that Russian officials,
scientists and businesses might have about transferring weapons
or military technology to such countries as Iran, Iraq, North
Korea, Libya and the People's Republic of China.

Eight years ago, when President Clinton took office, the stated
objective of the Russian government was a formal alliance with
the United States. Russia pursued a strongly pro-American foreign
policy, and the United States enjoyed unprecedented affection and
admiration among ordinary Russians. According to identical U.S.
State Department polls, 70 percent of Russians held a favorable
view of the United States at the beginning of the Clinton
administration. This year, only 37 percent held this view.

After eight years of mismanagement by the Clinton administration
-- and despite a U.S. taxpayer commitment of $20 billion -- the
U.S.-Russian relationship is in tatters. In place of the
promising future foreseen in 1993, Russia's policy toward America
is characterized by growing hostility and divergent perceptions
of international realities and intentions. Because of Russia's
current and future importance, the consequences of this failure
are difficult to overstate: They almost certainly exceed the
consequences of the American defeat in Vietnam and the fall of
the pro-American government in Iran.

The task ahead for Russia this year is essentially the same as it
was in 1992. Because so little progress has been made toward
building free enterprise, that work must now begin in earnest.
But whereas conditions in Russia in 1992 were eminently
hospitable to such an undertaking, the ensuing years of policy
failure have squandered that advantage, and now the necessary
work will be much more difficult.

America and Russia have lost a decade. The growing estrangement
of Russia from the United States, the hostility to American
interests reflected in Russia's foreign policy, and the telltale
signs of authoritarianism in the post-Yeltsin era provide ample
evidence that Russia faces a more formidable task because U.S.
foreign policy was weak, and did not lead.

But it is not too late for the United States to stop impeding and
start assisting the transition from communism to free markets,
from authoritarianism to democracy, and from disorder to order.
It simply requires that we begin anew -- but this time, with a
clear purpose.


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             Kadosh, Kadosh, Kadosh, YHVH, TZEVAOT

  FROM THE DESK OF:                    <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
                      *Mike Spitzer*     <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
                         ~~~~~~~~          <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

   The Best Way To Destroy Enemies Is To Change Them To Friends
       Shalom, A Salaam Aleikum, and to all, A Good Day.
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