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Smells like coup spirit
By Dwayne Eutsey
April 27, 2001—Thanks to the investigative reporting of journalists such as
Greg Palast, more evidence of a coordinated effort to disenfranchise tens of
thousands of registered voters (mostly African American) is surfacing in
Florida. When these reports are considered within the context of police
roadblocks, cases of intimidation, and possible large-scale voter fraud and
ballot tampering, fears of an orchestrated dirty election become more
substantiated.
There is another aspect of the 2000 election in Florida that remains largely
untouched, however: the possibility of a domestic covert intelligence
operation designed to make certain that America didn't go Democratic "due to
the irresponsibility of its own people," to paraphrase Henry Kissinger's
remark concerning overthrowing the democratically elected government in Chile.
Perhaps the possibility of such an operation in the US is too far-fetched to
take seriously, or perhaps there isn't enough evidence to proceed with
documenting such suspicions.
Unfortunately, history proves that the former assumption is naive (Watergate,
Iran-Contra, and documented CIA activities against US citizens come
immediately to mind). Regarding evidence, it's the nature of the covert beast
to leave no fingerprints and smoking guns behind (unless you're setting up a
patsy). However, if you can't find a corpse laying around, the stench in the
air can often reveal, nonetheless, that a murder victim's body is covered up
somewhere nearby.
What follows here is not an expose of how a CIA-backed coup in Florida helped
kill the democratic process in November. It is an effort, however, to draw
attention to the disturbing stink surrounding events in the 2000 election
that are similar to known CIA actions that thwarted democracy in other
countries, namely Guatemala in the 1950s and Chile in 1973. To avoid the
appearance of "conspiracy theorizing" on my part, I've limited the
information presented here to what can be verified. I have also limited the
focus of this survey to very broad similarities. Many others connections
exist and warrant further investigation (such as claims that former CIA/FBI
agent Charles Kane, who was involved in possible absentee ballot tampering in
Florida, played a role in the Bay of Pigs invasion and CIA coups and dirty
tricks around the world. He allegedly retired in the mid-'70s and would have
been employed during the Agency's heyday of covert operations).
Hopefully, this general overview will help prompt others to conduct a more
thorough look into murky activities that, taken as a whole, suggest the
spirit of CIA-Coups-Past may have paid an unwelcome visit last November to
Florida.
Historical Background
By placing these facts within the larger historical context of CIA coup
activity, many of the baffling events transpiring in Florida last year begin
to make some sense. The same players (CIA, powerful corporations, rightwing
militarists), the same motives (preserving economic/political power), and
even the same tactics (armed violence, fortunately, being one exception)
begin to emerge that suggest some unpleasant connections among them.
For easier comparison, I break down these similarities according to coup
patterns in Guatemala, Chile, and Florida. Unless otherwise noted, the
information here is from David Halberstam's excellent book, The Fifties, and
from the Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with
Respect to Intelligence Activities (Church Report).
Guatemala: Prior to the legitimate election of Jacobo Arbenz to the
presidency in the early '50s, United Fruit Company controls most of the
country's land, economy, and politics. The land reform policies that Arbenz
wants to implement, which would redistribute United Fruit-controlled land to
Guatemalans, threaten United Fruit's economic interests and political power
in the region. United Fruit has close ties to powerful figures in America,
including Allen Dulles (Director of the CIA) and his brother Foster
(Secretary of State). The Dulles brothers and others portray Arbenz as a
communist threat and convince President Eisenhower that a coup is in
America's best interest.
Chile: Despite CIA covert efforts to defeat him, socialist Salvador Allende
is elected as president in 1970. His plan to nationalize Chilean industries
poses a direct threat to the reactionary Nixon Administration and the
multinational corporate interests it represents. Prior to Allende's
election, the CIA spent years and millions of dollars waging a propaganda war
to maintain a US/corporate-friendly government in Chile. After the election,
the Agency is instrumental in implementing Henry Kissinger's desire to thwart
Allende's policies and in supporting a military coup being planned by General
Augusto Pinochet.
Florida: Strategically important in the CIA's covert war against Cuba (and
other troublespots throughout Central and South America), Florida has been
home to CIA mercenary training camps since at least the '50s (such as one in
Opa-Locka).
There is also an interesting Bush connection to Florida (apart from Jeb Bush
holding the state's governorship). According to a report in The Nation, days
after the Kennedy assassination in 1963 a memo from J. Edgar Hoover stated
that a "Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency" had been briefed
regarding the reaction of anti-Castro Cuban exiles in Miami to the murder.
Although George H.W. Bush claims the name he shares with the "Mr. George Bush
of the CIA" is coincidental, a source for the story observed: "I know [Bush]
was involved in the Caribbean. I know he was involved in the suppression of
things after the Kennedy assassination. There was a very definite worry that
some Cuban groups were going to move against Castro and attempt to blame it
on the CIA." (see Joseph McBride, "'George Bush,' CIA Operative," The
Nation, July 16/23, 1988, p. 42).
The Players
What follows is a very general review of similar interests and organizations
involved in some manner in Guatemala, Chile, and Florida.
Guatemala:
CIA: Director Allen Dulles is a key player in organizing the coup.
Multinational: United Fruit Company is known as "el pulpo" ("the octopus")
because of its pervasive influence over so many facets of the country.
Rightwing Militarists Takeover: A reactionary military junta is installed
after the coup, fronted by the CIA-selected Carlos Enrique Castillo Armas.
The junta is responsible for the mass murder of dissidents and years of
brutal repression.
Chile:
CIA: For a detailed analysis of widespread US covert activities in Chile,
see the Church Report.
Multinationals: "In addition to providing information and cover to the CIA,
multinational corporations also participated in covert attempts to influence
Chilean politics." Church Report. Among the corporations actively opposed
to Allende's election and his socialist experiment were ITT, Pepsi-Cola, and
the Chase Manhattan Bank.
Rightwing Militarists Takeover: With CIA support and the blessings of the
Nixon Administration, General Augusto Pinochet establishes a brutal and
reactionary military junta after the coup. As in Guatemala, the junta is
repressive and responsible for the mass murder of dissidents (including
Americans Charles Horman and Frank Terrugi, both of whom were tortured and
executed. According to a US State Department memo dated August 25, 1976, the
CIA "may have played an unfortunate part" in both deaths. See
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/19991008/01–04.htm).
Florida:
CIA: At least one "former" CIA operative (Charles Kane) is implicated in
shady activities during the Florida election. The attorney for those
investigating Kane's involvement in tampering with absentee ballots said
Kane's efforts were part of a "sinister underground conspiracy." ("Florida
Official Admits Helping GOP," Associated Press, December 7, 2000).
Multinationals: Oil, insurance, tobacco, pharmaceuticals, etc., all have
concerns about a Gore presidency and its potential for regulatory activism.
These corporations are eager to bring "business special interests into
politics so they can take over the regulatory bodies of government and
regulate themselves. ("America in the Grip of Bush's 'Iron Triangle,'" The
Observer, December 3, 2000).
Rightwing Militarists Takeover: The Bush Administration has established
"itself as the most brazenly rightwing of modern times. As the ecstatic head
of the ultra-conservative Heritage Foundation enthuses, the new crowd are
'more Reaganite than the Reagan administration.'" (The Guardian, April 25,
2001). Among the appointments Bush has made are Cold Warriors (e.g., Donald
Rumsfield), old Iran/Contra characters and intelligence operatives (e.g.,
John Negroponte and Otto Reich; see The Nation, May 7, 2001: "Lie to the
Media, Get a Job," by Eric Alterman).
Tactics
Media Manipulation/Reality Distortion
Guatemala: CIA "deftly created a fictional war over the airwaves, one in
which the government troops faltered and refused to fight and in which the
liberation troops were relentlessly moving toward Guatemala City." Halberstam
Chile: "Press placements [by the CIA] were attractive because each placement
might produce a multiplier effect, being picked up and replayed by media
outlets other than the one in which it originally came out." Church Report
Florida: John Ellis, Bush's first cousin, at the rightwing Fox News decides
to declare the state for Bush after 2 a.m., causing the other networks to do
likewise, creating the lasting (and false) impression that Bush won the
election.
Press Collusion
Guatemala: " . . . one crucial ingredient left for the success of the coup .
. . was the cooperation, voluntary and involuntary, of the American press.
This meant it was necessary for the press corps to tell the public that the
coup was the work of an indigenous Guatemalan force." Halberstam
Practically all American reporters cooperate, with the exception of NYT
reporter Sydney Gruson. After CIA director Allen Dulles puts pressure on the
Times, Gruson is removed from covering Guatemala. "It was an important
moment," writes Halberstam, "a warning to the paper's top executives about
the potential difference between the agenda of the secret government and that
of serious journalism."
Chile: Excerpts from the Church Report . . ."The most common form of a
propaganda project is simply the development of 'assets' in media
organizations who can place articles or be asked to write them." "According
to CIA documents, the Time correspondent in Chile apparently had accepted
Allende's protestations of moderation and constitutionality at face value.
Briefings requested by Time and provided by the CIA in Washington resulted in
a change in the basic thrust of the Time story on Allende's September 4
victory and in the timing of that story."
"According to the CIA, partial returns showed that 726 articles, broadcasts,
editorials, and similar items directly resulted from Agency activity. The
Agency had no way to measure the scope of the multiplier effect . . . but
concluded that its contribution was both substantial and significant."
Florida: After Election Day, airwaves are saturated with rightwing
commentators, such as Ann Coulter, accusing Gore of being a "nutcase" who is
trying to steal an election that was, at the very least, in dispute; at the
most, it was a victory for Gore. (See "GOP Won by Planting Seeds of
Deception, by Roger Ebert, Chicago Sun-Times, December 14, 2000).
Lewis Lapham of Harper's noted that the "poisonous language" and "paranoid"
arguments being aired at the time were mostly coming from rightwingers (
although the Democrats were not free from "unctuous statement, rank
hypocrisy, and bitter diatribe.") Still, when it came to rancor and
speciousness, he "didn't find the same sort of stupidity on the Democratic
side of the dispute."
A sidenote on the Press and the CIA: There are a number of articles exposing
the connections between the US media and the CIA. The most famous expose was
Carl Bernstein's "The CIA and the Media" in the October 20, 1977 issue of
Rolling Stone. In it, Bernstein reveals the cooperation during the '50s and
'60s between major US media outlets and the intelligence community,
including, CBS, New York Times, Time, the Miami Herald, and hundreds of
others. The NY Times recently reported, ironically enough, that the CIA has
included news wire services (the now Moonie-owned UPI, for example) as part
of its "regular propaganda apparatus;" this apparatus also included "Miami
exile contacts with Florida papers."
Although this report is based on a CIA document from the early '60s, it was
also reported this year (or underreported) that US Army psychological
operations personnel (responsible for spreading propaganda) were placed at
CNN's TV, radio, and satellite bureaus during the Kosovo war. (From a
report by Alexander Cockburn in Counterpunch, cited among AlterNet's Top Ten
Censored Stories of 2000).
Staging "Spontaneous" Revolts/Protests
Guatemala: CIA creates the "rebel army" that is supposed to be an indigenous
uprising. "One of the CIA's main responsibilities was to keep American
journalists out of the area lest they find out how pathetic Castillo Armas's
army really was." Halberstam
Chile: "The CIA was directed to undertake an effort to promote a military
coup in Chile to prevent the accession to power of Salvador Allende." (This
particular coup fell apart). Church Report.
Florida: Republican operatives are bussed into Miami in a GOP-orchestrated
campaign to shut down the recount effort and intimidate (and even physically
assault) Democratic election officials.
Targeting Special Groups for Propaganda
Chile: "The covert propaganda efforts in Chile also included 'black'
propaganda—material falsely purporting to be the product of a particular
individual or group . . . the CIA used 'black' propaganda to sow discord
between the Communists and the Socialists and between the national labor
confederation and the Chilean Communist Party." Church Report
Florida: African Americans received calls the weekend before the election
from a speaker who falsely claimed to be with the NAACP, asking them to vote
for Bush. (Midwest Today, December 2000: "Scary Facts About the Florida
Vote," by Larry Jordan).
Conclusion
Where does mere coincidence end and meaningful patterns begin? Even if the
events in Florida listed here (along with the more detailed reports being
filed by investigative journalists) are removed from the context of covert
actions, it is easy to conclude that something profoundly disturbing happened
in the previous election.
Reviewing the increasing amount of evidence demonstrating just how dirty the
2000 election was, however, is it so unreasonable to think that those
interests whose hands remain sullied from Florida would have sunk one notch
lower into the murky depths of covert operations? What are the limits when
the objective is to grab power at any cost?
And what will those who seized that power do next time in order to hold on to
it?
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