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Libertarian Just War Theory
By Wendy McElroy
As a political philosophy based upon non-aggression and
individualism, libertarian theory would seem to preclude any support
for violence committed by a State, let alone the mass violence
involved in a war. Yet an icon of the libertarian movement is the War
for Independence, or the American Revolution. Somehow the American
Revolution is viewed differently than all other wars, and not merely
because the Continental Congress functioned as an unofficial body
when it first met in 1774. The Congress quickly became a government
during the conduct of hostilities. For example, to finance the
Continental Army, it issued approximately $226 million dollars in
paper money, then (1780) devalued it at the rate of $40 to $1 of
specie, giving rise to the saying "not worth a Continental."
Moreover, the Continental Congress forcibly imposed its authority on
a substantial percentage of the colonists -- namely, loyalists who
favored British rule.
Despite such factors, libertarians tend to view the American
Revolution as a noble struggle, waged for the principles of "natural
rights" and "no government without the consent of the governed." In
short, it was a just war.
The idea of a 'just war' is far from a new one. Indeed, in his book
War and Conscience, the minister Allen Isbell opens the chapter
entitled "The Justifiable War Doctrine" with a question, "When and
how may a State legitimately engage in a war? This has been a prime
topic of discussion in Christian ethics for sixteen centuries. From
this continuing conversation within Christendom, a doctrine of
justifiable war has evolved"(76).[1]
Allen goes on to list eight requirements a war must meet to be deemed
justified within Christian ethics: the war must be the last resort;
since only one side is justified in fighting, you must be on that
side; the war must have an adequate cause; it must have a legitimate
aim; it must be waged with a proper spirit; it must be waged by a
proper authority; the execution of the war must be just; and, it must
have the promise of beneficial victory(77-78).
Does libertarianism include a theory by which a war such as the
American Revolution can be viewed as fundamentally just, albeit with
some unfortunate, but non-essential aspects? If so, what would be the
requirements of a libertarian just war?
The idea of a libertarian war is not an absurd one. After all,
libertarianism permits violence even to the point of killing someone
if it is an act of reasonable self defense. Nothing in libertarianism
precludes the possibility of a collectively exercised right to self
defense. Indeed, many libertarians who have been influenced by the
philosopher Ayn Rand believe this is one of the few valid functions
of a 'night-watchman' State.[2] As long as every individual that a
State (or a private defense agency) claims to represent has
voluntarily assigned his or her right of self-defense to that State,
then it is justified in acting collectively on their behalf against
an invader. Moreover, if the State acted against only those
individuals who were actual aggressors, e.g. the individuals in an
invading army, it would avoid objections revolving around innocent
civilian casualties, e.g. victims of a bombed city.
Libertarianism seems to accept at least the theoretical possibility
of a just war. Of course, this does not necessarily justify any war
that has ever occurred in human history, but it opens the possibility
of a just war in the future. Again, what would be the requirements of
such a libertarian war?
Answering this question requires backing up a step to discuss how
libertarianism approaches issues in general. Libertarian theory is
means, rather than ends, oriented. That is, it does not aim primarily
to produce a particular end such as 'social justice' as embodied in a
specific result such as the elimination of poverty. Instead,
libertarianism aims primarily at producing a particular means of
functioning by which it defines social justice. This means has been
described in various ways, including: anything that is peaceful;
individual rights; society by contract; the non-initiation of force.
Whatever results from the means of peaceful behavior is acceptable to
libertarian theory. To illustrate this point, consider freedom of
speech. The means approach asks only whether the speech is free and
violates no property rights: if so, it legally tolerates whatever is
spoken. The ends approach asks whether the content of the speech is
proper and, depending on the answer, it does or does not legally
tolerate what is spoken.
A libertarian just war would have to the libertarian means of
approaching issues. It would have to be declared and conducted in
such a manner as not to violate individual rights or the principle
"anything that is peaceful (including, by definition, justified self
defense)." This qualifier is what would constitute the meaning of the
word 'just' in the term 'just war'.
What is the meaning of the noun?
War is the declaration of hostilities by one State against another by
which it commits the people and resources under its jurisdiction to
hostilities against the opponent's people and resources.[3] The
libertarian war historian and theorist Jeffrey Rogers Hummel has
pointed out an implication of the foregoing definition. In committing
its people and resources to hostilities, each state is actually
declaring war on three fronts: first, against the other state;
second, against the people of the other state; and third, against its
own dissenting citizens, should such people refuse to comply with the
state's demand for men and resources.
Given the above definitions, the specific requirements of a
libertarian 'just war' would include: the war must have a just origin
-- that is, it must be in response to aggression; it must be a
reasonable response to the level of aggression; it must be declared
by a proper authority against a proper enemy; it must be justly
conducted -- that is, the rights of innocent individuals can not be
knowingly harmed.
Consider the four requirements in more detail.
1. The war must have a just origin.
For libertarians, the violation of rights is the only just origin of
violence in self defense. The rights violated must be individual
ones, rather than those that traditionally lead to war, e.g. a breach
of national sovereignty. But it is quite possible to imagine such a
war erupting, at least in theory.
On a practical level, however, a problem immediately arises. The
prerequisites necessary to assess the justness of the war's origin,
such as time and all pertinent information, are rarely available at
the point war is declared. In considering whether German Christians
should serve in the military under the Nazis, a Catholic publisher
issued a pamphlet that read, in part:
"A scientific judgment concerning causes and origins of the war is
absolutely impossible today because the prerequisites for such a
judgment are not available to us. This must wait until a later time
when the documents of both sides are available."[4]
Thus, even if a judgment of 'just war' could be rendered, it would be
very likely to occur after the fact.
2. The war must be a reasonable response.
Libertarian theory frowns upon shooting an 'aggressor' who dings your
car accidentally, or even on purpose. The level of force used in self
defense must be appropriate to the force used by the aggressor, and
the goal of the responsive force should be either be protection or
restitution. Thus, even a war with just origins would have to have
exhausted any lesser levels of force that could have accomplished
those goals.
It becomes important to clarify one point within the imagined
contract that the State has with those who have assigned their rights
of self defense to it. Does the State's declaration of war commit all
of those people to participate in hostilities even though a small
percentage of them have been aggressed against? Does aggression
against any assignees bind all others under a declaration of war? If
so, the contract seems designed to increase the level of violence of
any conflict, rather than merely to provide protection or
restitution.
Yet it is still possible to imagine a war that is a reasonable
response to a violation of rights.
3. The war must be declared by a proper authority, and against a
proper enemy.
In libertarianism, the proper authority to exercise a right of self
defense against an aggressor is the individual whose rights have been
violated, or a designated agent. If the State acts only on behalf of
individuals who have designated it to do so, it is the proper agent
for them. For the sake of speedy argument, let's also assume that the
war is declared against a State that is a proper enemy.
What of the other two categories against whom, in Hummel's analysis,
the State also declares war -- namely, dissenters within its own
territory, and the people within the enemy State?
With regard to dissenters, libertarian theory clearly precludes a
State from declaring war against peaceful people who disagree. It
cannot rightfully silence them for speaking out, imprison them for
refusing to serve, or confiscate land and resources from them.
In time of war, such State actions have been defended with the
argument that foolish people have to be defended against their will.
But the State's usurpation of anyone's right to self defense can
never to viewed as a proper or protective measure. It is a denial of
that right: the State usurps the right to decide if, when and how the
dissenter should be defended. A dissenter may not believe it is time
to exercise self defense, or may prefer a non-military strategy
against the tank that is rolling onto his front lawn, such as
nonviolent resistance. The State, by 'protecting' the dissenter
against his will, denies to him the exercise of his right of self
defense.
Regarding the civilians within the enemy state, under libertarian
theory, it is clearly an act of aggression to bomb or to use any
other weapon that does not discriminate between the innocent and the
guilty. A just war would have to be conducted in a manner reminiscent
of the 19th century, during which civilians used to picnic beside
battlefields, confident that the military on both sides would respect
the distinction between civilians and combatants.
4. The war must be justly conducted -- that is, the rights of
innocent individuals can not be knowingly violated.
The fourth requirement spins off the last point. It is sometimes
argued that invasive strategies, such as bombing targets within
cities, is absolutely necessary to the conduct of modern warfare. As
long as the bombing is aimed at valid targets and attempts to contain
the damage done to civilians, it is deemed valid.
Whatever else can be said of this argument, it is not a libertarian
one. Although the damage and death inflicted upon innocent victims
might not be the intended consequence of the bombing, it would be a
foreseeable one. That is, it would not be an accidental, but a known
and predictable consequence. To justify the knowing infliction of
damage and death upon innocent people, it is necessary to step
outside the boundaries of libertarian theory.
Some libertarians shift the ground of argument on this point to
utilitarianism, by adopting a social consequence argument. If one
State is willing to use indiscriminate weaponry, the other must
respond in kind or be devastated. This argument may be true. If so,
it may be a reason to eschew either war or libertarian theory.
Libertarianism is not a philosophy of proper social consequences: it
is philosophy organized around the means of non-aggression. The
boundaries of libertarian theory are simply not flexible enough to
embrace the knowing murder of innocents.
Many will consider the foregoing to be a purist, or ivory tower
position. They will argue that, when your life is threatened, you
have a right to respond defensively even if that response entails
firing into a crowd, thus harming or killing innocent people: the
responsibility lies with the aggressor, not with you.
If this argument is true, an interesting question of math question
arises. How many bystanders am I justified in murdering in order to
eliminate someone who is trying to kill me? If I abandon the
principle of not harming innocents, what standard should I use to
calculate how many innocent people I may murder in the process of
protecting myself. Two, twenty, a thousand? What if I know the
assassin is in a particular movie theatre -- can I blow it up to
ensure my safety from him? If not, why not? Once I abandon the
principle of not harming innocents, how do I run the math?
To conclude: a libertarian just war would have to be declared in
response to an act of aggression that could not be remedied in by a
lesser level of defensive violence. It would have to be declared by a
State to whom people had assigned their rights of self defense. And
the war could be declared on behalf of those assignees alone.
Dissenters would have to be left in peace to defend themselves, or
not. The declaration of war would be against the enemy State, but not
against the enemy civilian population. And, finally, the war would
have to be conducted with strategies and weaponry that would not
knowingly involve damaging or killing innocent parties.
Given these requirements, a libertarian just war is virtually
unimaginable.
  1. Allen C. Isbell, War and Conscience (Abilene, Texas: Biblical
Research Press, 1966). 2. Such libertarians generally prefer the term
'government' because it is less burdened by implications of tyranny
than the term 'State'. For purposes of this article, the terms are
interchangeable and 'State' is used in as neutral a manner as
possible. 3. When two individuals, or a small group of people fight,
it is called a brawl or a feud, not a war. 4. As quoted in War and
Conscience, p.82.




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