-Caveat Lector-
http://www.newsmakingnews.com/armitage11,1,00.htm
New evidence links George Bush to Los Angeles drug
operation
by Edward Spannaus © Executive Intelligence Review
(LaRouche)
On Oct. 27, 1986, federal and local law enforcement
officials executed search warrants on more than a
dozen locations connected to a major
cocaine-trafficking ring in southern California
centered around Danilo Blandon.. One of the locations
raided was the home of a former Laguna Beach police
officer by the name of Ronald Lister.
Los Angeles Sheriff's Department detectives reported
that when they raided Lister's house, they found
``films of military operations in Central America,
technical manuals, information on assorted military
hardware and communications, and numerous documents
indicating that drug money was being used to purchase
military equipment for Central America.'' Documents
were also found which diagrammed ``the route of drug
money out of the United States, back into the United
States purchasing weaponry for the Contras.''
An official report by one of the detectives from the
1986 raid stated: ``Mr. Lister ... told me he had
dealings in South America and worked with the CIA and
added that his friends in Washington weren't going to
like what was going on. I told Mr. Lister that we were
not interested in his business in South America. Mr.
Lister replied that he would call Mr. Weekly of the
CIA and report me.''
New evidence has now surfaced showing who some of
Lister's ``friends in Washington'' were, and we shall
see that these ``friends'' ran all the way up to the
Office of the Vice President, at that time George
Bush.
Mark Richard's tell-tale notes
Around the same time as the October 1986 drug raid,
``Mr. Weekly,'' whose full name is David Scott Weekly,
became the subject of a federal investigation opened
for the purpose of prosecuting him on federal
explosives charges. According to later testimony, this
investigation was under way for some time before
Weekly himself first learned about it, which was on
Dec. 21-22, 1986.
But ten days before Weekly learned that he was being
targetted, Bill Price, the U.S. Attorney in Oklahoma
City handling Weekly's case, had a telephone
conversation with a top official at Justice Department
headquarters about some of the stickier aspects of the
investigation. The official to whom Price talked was
Mark Richard, a Deputy Assistant Attorney General in
the Criminal Division, and the career Justice
Department official who served as the Department's
liaison to the intelligence agencies.
The question arises: What might have triggered this
conversation between Mark Richard--the DOJ's point of
contact for the NSC, CIA, and military intelligence
agencies--and the Oklahoma prosecutor?
First of all, on Oct. 5, 1986, a C-123 cargo plane,
flying from El Salvador's Ilopango military air base,
had been shot down over Nicaragua. Three crewmen were
killed, and the fourth, Eugene Hasenfus, was captured
by the Nicaraguan Sandinistas. This was the beginning
of the public unravelling of what became known as the
``Iran-Contra'' affair.
Then came the Oct. 27 raid in Los Angeles, after which
the Los Angeles FBI office communicated to FBI
headquarters what had transpired, including Lister's
claims of involvement in arming the Contras, and his
citation of ``Mr. Weekly'' as being ``CIA'' and a
``DIA subcontractor''--referring to the Defense
Intelligence Agency. (The FBI had already interviewed
a businessman to whom Lister had bragged, on Aug. 1,
that he was involved in arming the Contras, and that
his arms deals were ``CIA approved.'')
On Nov. 10, 1986, the FBI sent a teletype to various
sections of the CIA, inquiring about Lister, Blandon,
Weekly, and some others. The inquiry, over the name of
the FBI Director, asked diplomatically if any of these
individuals were ``of operational interest'' to the
CIA.
FBI documents also show that a teletype was sent to
FBI headquarters on Dec. 9, followed up by a phone
conversation with an FBI supervisor on Dec. 11--the
same day that Mark Richard spoke to the prosecutor in
Oklahoma City--who was at the time secretly preparing
his case against Scott Weekly.
In August 1987--less than a year later--Mark Richard
was required to give testimony in the Congressional
Iran-Contra investigation. While being interrogated
about various matters in which there were allegations
of Justice Department interference in Contra-related
cases, Richard was specifically questioned about
handwritten notes he had made during his Dec. 11
conversation with prosecutor Bill Price. Richard said
that Bill Hendricks of the DOJ's Public Integrity
Section, which was dealing with a lot of the
Iran-Contra matters, had previously been in touch with
Price. After examining his own notes, Richard said
that the conversation pertained to ``an individual who
had been arrested and his possible involvement in some
CIA/Contra-related activities.'' (In fact, Scott
Weekly was out of the country on Dec. 11, and had not
yet been arrested.)
Richard was asked about the portion of the notes which
read: ``Weekly posts on tape that he's tied into CIA
and Hasenfus. Said he reports to people reporting to
Bush.'' Richard disclaimed any knowledge of what this
meant, and said that the matter had been referred to
the Independent Counsel. He said that in his notes,
``There is a suggestion of a relationship to the CIA
and the exportation of explosives to the--countries.''
Richard was then asked: ``And he's alleging or
indicating to someone that he's connected with the CIA
and he is reporting to people who report to Bush?''
Richard answers: ``That's what he's asserting.''
Richard's notes, printed in Appendix B, Volume 23 of
the Congressional Iran-Contra Report, also reference
Weekly's toll calls to ``Col. Nestor Pino, Spec Asst
to Undersecretary for Security Assistance,''
apparently made in September-October 1986, and also
``Phone calls from Weekly to Alex, Va.--Tom Harvey of
NSC,'' apparently on Oct. 30, 1986.
Richard's reference to Tom Harvey is most significant.
{EIR'}s investigations have shown that Harvey was
operating out of George Bush's office, and was
definitely one of the ``people who report to Bush.''
Nestor Pino was likewise deeply involved in the
drug-ridden Contra supply operation, which was being
run out of Bush's office though Felix Rodriguez, as
well as by Oliver North, under the direct supervision
of Bush's national security adviser Donald Gregg.
What has misled many investigators--and has continued
to confuse the issue--is that many of these
operatives, even Bush himself, at one point or another
worked for the CIA. But the Contra-drug operation was
not a ``CIA'' operation: It was run at a level
{higher} than the CIA, primarily through military and
private networks deployed out of the National Security
Council, which in turn was operating in these matters
under the direction of Vice President Bush.
The case at hand--of Ron Lister, Scott Weekly, and Tom
Harvey--is a very good example of how such things
actually worked, in contrast to popular fairy tales
about the ``CIA.''
Who is Ron Lister?
Before discussing Lister's ``friends,'' a few salient
facts about Lister himself.
The investigation of the Blandon drug ring--the
Contra-linked cocaine-smuggling operation featured in
the controversial {San Jose Mercury News} series last
Fall--appears to have begun in late 1984, with a probe
into a Colombian money-laundering operation in the
city of Bell, California, near southeast Los Angeles.
The police officer who initiated the investigation,
which was done at the request of agents from the U.S.
Internal Revenue Service and Customs Service,
identified former Laguna Beach police officer Ronald
Lister as transporting large amounts of cocaine and
``millions of dollars'' for Danilo.
During interviews with the Los Angeles Sheriff's
Department last year, as part of their internal
investigation of the {San Jose Mercury News} series,
Lister acknowledged that he and Blandon were in the
drug business, and he told Sheriff's investigators
that ``he had moved $50-60 million for Blandon.''
Lister also admitted that he himself had been a user
of cocaine from 1985 to 1989.
In a well-researched article in the May 22 issue of
the {Los Angeles Weekly}, investigative reporter Nick
Schou has documented some of Lister's ties to former
CIA officials. A San Diego weapons dealer, Timothy
LaFrance (mentioned in Mark Richard's notes), told
Schou that Lister's company, Pyramid International
Security Consultants, was a ``private vendor that the
CIA used'' to do things that the agency itself
couldn't do. LaFrance said he had made a number of
trips to Central America with Lister, providing
weapons to the Contras. Another employee of Pyramid
was Paul Wilker, a former CIA officer who, after
leaving the CIA, had worked for a company called
``Intersect'' in Orange County, California. One of the
founders of Intersect was still another former CIA
officer, John Vandewerker. Vanderwerker told reporter
Schou that he had met Lister through Wilker, his
former employee. Vanderwerker also said that either
Lister or Wilker had helped him apply for a job at
Fluor Corporation, the large construction firm, with
Bill Nelson, then Fluor's vice president for security
and administration. Nelson was a well-known figure,
having been the CIA Deputy Director for Operations in
the 1973-76 period. According to Schou, Nelson,
Wilker, and Vanderwerker all retired from the agency
around 1976, when they set up Intersect. (This was
prior to the late 1970s purge of the CIA's Operations
Directorate under Adm. Stansfield Turner; the Turner
housecleaning spun off many of the privatized
``asteroid'' operations, which then played such an
important role during the 1980s.)
To round out the picture of Lister's associates, we
note that in ten pages of notes seized from Lister's
house in the 1986 raid, is a list of six names, which
starts with Bill Nelson, and ends with Roberto
D'Aubuisson, the military strongman of El Salvador in
that period.
Also in the list is Scott Weekly. Elsewhere in
Lister's ten paes of notes, he had written: ``I had
regular meeting with DIA Subcontractor Scott Weekly.
Scott had worked in El Salvador for us. Meeting
concerned my relationship with the Contra grp. in
Cent. Am.''
Ron Lister's `friends in Washington'
Recall, that among the names mentioned in Mark
Richard's notes were those of Nestor Pino and Tom
Harvey.
Nestor Pino, an Army colonel, worked with one William
Bode; both Pino and bode were designated as special
assistants to the Undersecretary of State for Security
Assistance. Pino was posted to the State Department
from the Pentagon's Defense Security Assistance
Agency. Both Bode and Pino were deeply involved in the
then-secret program supplying arms and supplies to the
Contras. This program is often described as ``guns
down, drugs back.'' It is not surprising, therefore,
that Pino and Bode were also both closely tied to
Felix Rodriguez, one of the top drug-runners in the
Contra operation, who was directly deployed out of
Bush's office through Bush's national security adviser
Donald Gregg--another former CIA official.
It was William Bode who introduced Felix Rodriguez to
Oliver North in December 1984, as Rodriguez was on his
way to meet with Gregg. (A few weeks after this, Gregg
introduced Rodriguez personally to Bush, in the Vice
Presidents's office.)
In his book {Shadow Warrior}, Rodriguez describes Pino
as a close buddy of his from the days of the Bay of
Pigs ``2506 Brigade.'' Rodriguez says that at the
``2506'' training camp in Guatemala, he became friends
with both Nestor Pino, and with Jose Basulto--more
recently known for his provocative actions as part of
the ``Brothers to the Rescue'' operation.
Scott Weekly's involvement with Bode and Pino came
about in the following way. In August 1986, Bode
contacted Col. James ``Bo'' Gritz, the retired, highly
decorated special forces commander, and asked him to
come to Washington to discuss a training program for
Afghanistan mujahideen general-staff officers--another
of the clandestine operations being run by the
intelligence community simultaneously with the Contra
operation. Gritz meet with Bode and Pino at the State
Department twice in early August, and then, with his
longtime associate Scott Weekly, launched a training
program in unconventional warfare for the Afghanis,
conducted on federal land in Nevada.
The training program, as Gritz later testified, was
financed by $50,000, paid through Albert Hakim's
Stanford Technology Group--one of the companies used
by Oliver North, Richard Secord, et al. for shipping
arms to Iran and to the Contras. The Stanford group
was found by Iran-Contra Independent Counsel
prosecutor Lawrence Walsh to have been at the heart of
what he called ``The Enterprise.''
Now, there is no evidence whatsoever that Gritz had
any knowledge of Weekly's ties to the drug-dealer and
money-launderer Ron Lister, much less any involvement
in it. Indeed, Gritz is well-known for his opposition
to drug trafficking; he was prosecuted by the federal
government in the late 1980s after exposing the role
of certain Reagan-Bush government officials in drug
smuggling in Southeast Asia--as we shall see below.
Scott Weekly was a weapons specialist, working as part
of a team created by Gritz, after Gritz had been
requested in 1979 by the deputy director of the
Defense Intelligence Agency to officially resign from
the U.S. Army, and carry out a private intelligence
operation in Southeast Asia. Gritz's team carried out
a number of U.S. government-backed missions into
Thailand, Laos, and Burma between 1982 and 1986, to
determine whether America POWs were still alive in
Southeast Asia.
In his 1991 book {Called To Serve,} Gritz described
how he formed a ``private'' team with the assistance
of the DIA, CIA, and the Army's Intelligence Support
Activity (ISA). The ISA was a secret Army special
operations unit, involved in counter-terrorist
activity, and also in support for the Nicaraguan
Contras in Central America. Sworn evidence exists
showing that, during most of the 1980s, Gritz was
reporting to military intelligence officials through
an intermediary known as a ``cut-out.''
To return to our narrative: In late October 1986, as
the first round of the Afghan training program was
being completed, and just before the Los Angeles
Sheriff's raid on the Blandon drug ring, Gritz was
contacted by an NSC staff officer, Lt. Col. Thomas
Harvey. (The misnamed ``NSC staff'' is not a staff for
the National Security Council, but it serves the
President--and in this case the vice president--on
national security matters.)
Colonel Harvey told Gritz that information had
recently been given to Vice President Bush indicating
that Burmese drug lord Khun Sa had information on U.S.
prisoners of war still being detained in Southeast
Asia. Harvey asked Gritz if he could go to the Golden
Triangle area of Southeast Asia to attempt to verify
this report. He could, Gritz said, but he told Harvey
that he would need special documents for such a
mission.
A few days later, Harvey told Gritz to come to
Washington. On Oct. 29, 1986, Gritz and Scott Weekly
flew there, and met Harvey near the White House.
Harvey provided them with two letters, one for Gritz
on White House letterhead, and one for Weekly on
National Security Council letterhead, stating that
Gritz and Weekly were cooperating with the U.S.
government.
The letter given to Weekly states:
``The bearer and undersigned of the only original of
this document is David Scott Weekly. Mr. Weekly is
cooperating in determining the authenticity of
reported U.S. prisoner of war sightings....
``Mr. Weekly is an operational agent cooperating with
this office....''
This was Oct. 29. Mark Richard's notes also indicate a
toll call by Weekly to Tom Harvey the next day.
`CIA' was the cover story
As to the claims by Lister, Weekly, and others that
Weekly was working for the CIA, Gritz has more
recently had a number of highly pertinent things to
say.
In his {Center for Action} newsletter, Dec. 5, 1996,
while discussing the FBI's confusion over whom Weekly
worked for when he was working for Gritz, Gritz wrote:
``The FBI never knew exactly who I was working for.''
Gritz indicates that he was working for ISA--the
Army's Intelligence Support Activity, and explains:
``The truth is that the initials `ISA' were above Top
Secret to the point where CIA was our cover. ISA
worked directly for the National Security Council.''
Gritz then says that he initially worked for DIA, and
was then transferred to J-5 (Strategic Plans and
Policy) of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, when his POW
operations went into the field.
``Toward the end it was ISA that picked up the
effort.''
He describes how he was called into the White House by
Adm. Bobby Inman, then deputy director of the CIA,
just before the POW mission was taken away from ISA
and given back to DIA.
Gritz continues:
``It is no wonder the FBI had no idea who was actually
carrying the ball! Scott Weekly never worked for
DIA--he worked for me.''
When Gritz was reached by {EIR}, he confirmed and
elaborated what he had written in his newsletter.
Gritz disavowed any knowledge of a link between Weekly
and Ron Lister, and said that Weekly only had a few
contacts with the CIA, and that those were through
Gritz. Gritz confirmed that he himself was actually
working for the ISA.
``It was identified, incorrectly, as a low-level Army
intelligence effort,''
Gritz explained,
``but it really worked directly for the National
Security Council. Otherwise, how in the hell could we
have been doing all the weird things we were doing?
And we used the CIA as a cover, when you had to get
messages, and this kind of stuff.''
``When I came on board,''
Gritz continued,
``I was carefully briefed: `We are not under the CIA,
we are not under Defense Intelligence; we work for the
National Security Council.'|''
He also said that ISA coordinated with the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, which provided the ``muscle'' for
ISA, using Delta Force special operations forces.
Tom Harvey, Bush, and `the families'
Now, to the matter of Col. Thomas Harvey.
Thomas Nelson Harvey graduated from West Point in the
early 1970s, and was posted to a SHAPE (Supreme
Headquarters Allied Powers Europe) support group
position. In 1975, he trained as a Foreign Area
Specialist in Yugoslav studies. Harvey was later
assigned to the headquarters of the Ninth Army
Division (which has responsibilities throughout the
Pacific), and in 1983 attended the Command and General
Staff College, thus becoming eligible to serve with
the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Informed sources indicate that Harvey is a proteage of
Richard Armitage, who was Assistant Secretary of State
for International Affairs. Armitage is a notorious
intelligence community ``Asia hand'' whose career has
been colored with allegations of gun running, drug
smuggling, and privateering on a grand scale. During
Gritz's mission to Khun Sa in 1986, Khun Sa identified
Armitage as playing a central role in ``Golden
Triangle'' drug trafficking--which has some bearing on
Harvey's behavior after Gritz returned from his 1986
mission.
>From 1983 until his retirement in 1991, Harvey was
usually listed in Pentagon directories as located in
the office of the Deputy Chief of Staff of the Army;
he was, among other things, a speechwriter responsible
for space, arms control, and low-intensity operations.
According to his own testimony, he held numerous
sensitive intelligence positions during that time.
Among these, were his serving as a military assistant
to the Senate Armed Services Committee, where he
worked closely with Senators Strom Thurmond (R-S.C.)
and John Warner (R-Va.).
Asked about Tom Harvey, Gritz told this reporter that
Harvey was actually working out of George Bush's
office.
``Harvey was the military adviser to Sen. John Warner,
and he was also, of course, in the NSC, working in the
Vice President's Office--George Bush at the time,''
Gritz said.
``Harvey was the Ollie North look-alike for George
Bush.''
It was apparently while Harvey was at the NSC in
1985-86, that he was instrumental in the creation of a
bizarre ``private'' paramilitary unit in Loudoun
County, Virginia, called ``ARGUS'' (Armored Response
Group U.S.). ARGUS's ostensible purpose was to provide
surplus armored military equipment for use in
``anti-terrorist'' and other crisis situations by
local law enforcement agencies in the mid-Atlantic
region. Among its acquisitions were a C-130 military
aircraft, an armored personnel carrier, and an armored
forklift.
One of the few times that ARGUS equipment was actually
deployed, to be on standby, was during the Oct. 6-7,
1986 raid, by federal, state, and local agents, on the
offices of organizations associated with Lyndon
LaRouche in Leesburg, Virginia. That raid was
officially run by the FBI, but it was later learned
that planning for the raid included the ``focal
point'' office of the J-3 Special Operations Division
of the Pentagon's Joint Chiefs of Staff. Two
truckloads of seized documents were taken to highly
secure U.S. Marine Corps facilities at Henderson Hall
in Arlington, Virginia, where they were presumably
culled over by intelligence specialists, before being
reviewed by state and federal prosecutors.
ARGUS was a project of the oligarchal families based
in the Loudoun County ``Hunt Country'' (see article,
p.|64). Magalen Ohrstrom Bryant and John W. Hanes were
both officials and funders of ARGUS; at the same time,
Bryant and Hanes were both funding Oliver North's
secret Contra operations as well.
In 1988, by which time Harvey was posted to Senator
Warner's staff, he was able to set up ARGUS's training
base at the Army's Cameron Station base in Alexandria,
Virginia. ARGUS also housed some of its specialized
armored vehicles at Cameron Station. iven that ARGUS
was supposedly a completely private operation, this
was rather extraordinary--except that ARGUS was
obviously {not} ``private;'' it was rather part of the
{privatized} military-intelligence operations which
flourished under the authority of Executive Order
12333 and Bush's ``secret government'' apparatus.
After his retirement from active military service in
1991, Harvey continued to work for these same
intelligence-related ``family'' networks. He became
the chairman and CEO of the Global Environmental &
Technology Foundation. On Global's Board of Directors,
naturally, is Maggie Bryant, also listed as
chairperson of the National Fish and Wildlife
Foundation. It is reported that Harvey was personally
selected for this role by Maggie Bryant, who has
called him one of her most trusted operatives. Among
Global's projects is what is called the ``Defense and
Environmental Initiative,'' which, in their words,
involves ``integrating environmental considerations
into America's national and international security
mission.''
`Erase and forget'
Now, back to Gritz's dealings with Tom Harvey in
1986-87.
Gritz and his team, including Scott Weekly, did go to
Burma, where they met with Khun Sa. Khun Sa told Gritz
that he did not have any American POWs, but he
proposed a deal with the United States: that he would
stop all drug flows out of the Golden Triangle, in
return for recognition of his Shan State. He would
guarantee the eradication of opium production in the
Golden Triangle, which was the major source of heroin
coming into the United States--although it was rapidly
being supplanted by drugs from the ``Golden Crescent''
of Afghanistan and Pakistan as a by-product of the
arms and money flowing into the Afghan War. The
parallels between the Bush ``secret government''
clandestine operations in Central American and those
in Afghanistan are striking: The net result of both
was a massive increase in drugs coming from those
areas into the United States. Guns and drugs, like
love and marriage, go together like the proverbial
horse and carriage. (The Afghan operation gave us
something else: the world-wide British-controlled
terrorist network known today as the ``Afghansi.'')
The other thing which Khun Sa offered--even more
explosive--was that he would name the names of U.S.
government officials involved in illegal arms and drug
trafficking.
Gritz and his team returned just before Christmas,
1986. In his book, Gritz reports that he submitted his
after-action report to Harvey; a few days later,
Harvey called. When Gritz asked Harvey about the
reaction to Khun Sa's proposal to stop the drug trade,
Harvey told Gritz:
``Bo, there's no one around here who supports that.''
Gritz's account continues:
``I reminded him that Vice President George H.W. Bush
was appointed by his boss, the President of the United
States, as the `Number-One Cop' for stopping drugs
before they got to the United States. Reagan had
declared war on drugs, and Bush was his so-called
`Czar.'"
Harvey reiterated, this time in a more forcible tone,
{`Bo, what can I tell you? There's no interest in
doing that.'}
``I knew then that we were treading on some very
sensitive toes,'' Gritz writes, ``but I didn't know
whose.''
Almost immediately, Scott Weekly was charged with
illegal shipments of explosives (the C4 used in the
Afghani training program) and he was induced to plead
guilty without a trial, and even without a lawyer.
In May 1987, Gritz was told in no uncertain terms to
cease and desist all of his activities related to the
Golden Triangle and drugs. He was contacted by Joseph
Felter, his close friend and the former head of
Wedtech, the scandalized defense contractor. Felter
told Gritz that he was conveying a message from Tom
Harvey and a State Department official named William
Davis: that Gritz was to ``erase and forget''
everything about his trip to the Golden Triangle.
Felter told Gritz that Harvey and Davis said that ``if
you don't stop everything you're doing ... you're
gonna serve 15 years in prison as a felon!'' (Felter
later confirmed the thrust of his remarks, and that he
was acting on behalf of Harvey, in a sworn affidavit.)
Gritz was at the time about to be charged with using a
false passport, for travelling to Southeast Asia on a
passport in a different name which had in fact been
provided to him by the U.S. government, through the
NSC-run ISA. Gritz was also threatened with charges
for neutrality violations, for the Afghan training
operation. Gritz says that when he was finally
indicted in 1989, Tom Harvey showed up, and told him
privately:
``Bo, we're so angry with you! Your focus is supposed
to be prisoners of war. Why do you insist on getting
involved in this government drug operation?''
The coverup continues to this day. The attacks on Bo
Gritz to prevent exposure of the U.S. government
complicity in the Golden Triangle drug trade, and the
frantic efforts in late 1986-87 to suppress any
exposure of the Contra drugs-for-guns dealings--as
shows up in the Lister-Weekly case--were clearly one
and the same.
And in both cases, we see that the trail leads
directly to the same place: George Bush.
1. For a more thorough description and documentation
of this structure, which operated under the authority
of Executive Order 12333 and various National Security
Decision Directives, see the two {EIR Special
Reports}: ``Would a President Bob Dole Prosecute Drug
Super-Kingpin George Bush?'' September 1996; and
``George Bush and the 12333 Serial Murder Ring,''
October 1996.
=====
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