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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

Where is al-Qaida's next stop?
Focus shifts on core of bin Laden's logistical operation

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© 2001 WorldNetDaily.com


Mohammed Mullah Omar and Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri have become household names
since America launched its post-Sept. 11 war in Afghanistan. So have places
like Mazar-e-Sharif, Konduz and Tora Bora, as well as the Pashtun tribes.

But just when the United States is seeing its way to victory over the Taliban
and al-Qaida in Afghanistan, new names, places, tribes and groups come into
sight. For unlike the Taliban, al-Qaida's international spread is broad
enough to provide it with hideouts and rear bases in many places outside
Afghanistan.

Osama bin Laden could hardly be expected to wait around for the Americans to
catch up with him in the Tora Bora cave complex or the snowbound mountains of
Afghanistan. The question of where the al-Qaida leadership is laid up will
loom large over the final stages of the anti-terror campaign in Afghanistan.
After all, routing the network and bringing its leaders to justice are the
premier goal of the U.S. campaign there.

At the moment, the Taliban is far from being a write-off – and al-Qaida
forces, even less. They have withdrawn to the mountains or assumed new garb
and hidden their weapons, losing themselves in the populations of the cities,
including "liberated" Kabul, until they judge it time to resort to arms
again. Many have slipped over into Pakistan.

For al-Qaida, Afghanistan was never more than one of several key bases of
operation. Although bin Laden kept family members and some training camps
there, terror experts are becoming convinced he had the organization's
logistical, operational and financial core tucked away somewhere else. In
fact, intelligence sources place his organizational backbone in Africa, in
view of its many advantages for the furtherance of terror.

One-fifth of the Earth's land mass, the African continent is 46 times the
area of Afghanistan, its combined population of 600 million is 26 times
larger and divided into 1,000 different peoples. Many of its 50 or so nations
are sunk in lawless decay. There, bin Laden, who treated Afghanistani
Airlines as his private carrier, has dozens of carriers to choose from and
hundreds of remote air bases in the vast wastes of Africa – like the secret
one he retained in the Rigestan desert, some 150 miles south of Kandahar,
where U.S. Marines have set up their Rhino base.

The United States, which has clearly come to the same conclusion, has in the
last couple of weeks taken its first, exploratory anti-al-Qaida steps in
Africa, and may be on the brink of expanding the base of its war on terror to
this continent.

U.S. logistical and intelligence support for Ethiopian army units are
collaborating with Somali warlord Col. Abdullah Yousef Ahmed. Specifically,
joint local forces have been in action chasing Taliban and al-Qaida elements
out of the north Somali town of Boosaaso. Military sources say about 200
Islamic extremists were killed during the capture of the city by the Somali
version of Afghanistan's "Northern Alliance."

The Somali transitional government of President Abdulkassim Salata Hassan has
often denied the presence of Islamic terrorists or training camps in Somalia,
but his domain covers only the capital, Mogadishu, while the rest of the
country is fought over by rival warlords.

On Tuesday, Dec. 11, ABC News and the Washington Post reported a U.S.
military delegation in Baidoa, 150 miles west of the capital, Mogadishu, to
find out from Somali tribal chiefs and warlords more about bin Laden's
training camps and bases in the area. They also probed the local chieftains'
willingness to seize those bases and al-Qaida operatives. According to ABC,
the U.S. team, made up largely of CIA and Special Forces officers, offered
the local Somali chieftains substantial bribes for their cooperation. Sources
add that the heads of the Ethiopia-backed Somali opposition Rahanwein
Resistance Army, in return for hundreds of thousands of dollars each, agreed
to contribute some 6,000 of their men for military action against al-Qaida
bases in southwestern and southern Somalia, under U.S. Special Forces
command. They also talked to the heads of the rival Somali Reconciliation and
Restoration Council, which is also supported by Ethiopia. Its chief, Hussein
Aideed, urged the United States to move against Somalia's al-Itihad
al-Islamiya, which is affiliated with al-Qaida. He says the group receives
generous funding from Islamic extremist organizations and Arab states,
enabling them to buy Somali followers. The RRA chiefs took the U.S.
delegation on a tour of inspection of Baidoa and its airport, to see if it
was suitable as a back-up landing site for large-scale U.S. contingents,
should a military operation become necessary.

U.S. contingency arrangements with local chieftains may not be consummated in
the near future, but they are in place – just in case. Bin Laden has no
substantial presence on their turf as yet, unless large numbers of Taliban
and al-Qaida troops in flight from Afghanistan and Pakistan decide to head
for Somalia.

U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Walter Kansteiner said in
Nairobi yesterday that the first goal is to make the Somali environment
inhospitable to terrorists and terrorist cells. The deal with the Somali
warlords is intended to do just that, to keep large numbers of fleeing
Islamic militants from seeking haven in the country and, if necessary, back
up operations to keep them out.

The RRA leadership, due to its cooperation with Ethiopia, is locally
unpopular, which makes some of its intelligence on al-Qaida's Somali bases
suspect. But neither was the Northern Alliance in northern Afghanistan in
October when first recruited by the United States to fight the Taliban and
al-Qaida in Afghanistan. Nevertheless, that joint front has been largely
successful.

In southern Somali, near the Kenyan border, the United States is seeking a
similar local contingency arrangement. However, the inhabitants of this
region, in Gedo, Jubbada, Hoose and Jubbada Dhexe, are extremely hostile to
strangers. Failing local war allies, the Americans will have to rely on its
own forces should it become necessary to prevent extremists sympathetic to
al-Qaida from being recruited. At the least, the United States hopes to draw
on local forces to keep the Kenyan frontier sealed to interlopers.

Military sources report a massive shift of American military strength
westward. The bulk of this strength is on its way out of the strategic locale
of the Afghanistan operation, including the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf, to
areas within reach of the Horn of Africa, Iraq, Yemen and the eastern
Mediterranean, namely Lebanon and its Syrian-controlled Bekaa Valley. The
aircraft carrier Kitty Hawk, a floating command center for air and marine
forces in Afghanistan, is heading out of the Arabian Sea. The Kuwait command
is being built up for two functions – one, that filled by the Kitty Hawk in
Afghanistan, and the other, to receive the rear high command transferred from
Atlanta, Ga. The greater part of the 70,000-strong U.S. Third Army will be
deployed in Kuwait and other points in the Middle East.

Military sources add that elements of the U.S. Third Army's elite 82nd and
101st Airborne Divisions are on the move to U.S. bases in Egypt's Sinai
Peninsula. Most will be stationed in the giant Sharm el-Sheikh air base at
the southern tip of Sinai, which commands the northern Red Sea, western Saudi
Arabia and southern Jordan. Those divisions have called up reserves, placing
them on notice to report after New Year's Day for duty in Sharm el-Sheikh,
but the advance guard of command elements is in place.

Also on their way to Kuwait and Sharm-el-Sheikh are several hundred M-1A2
Abrams and M-2A2 Bradleys tanks, as well as mobile artillery. In the last two
or three weeks, senior U.S. officers, mainly Air Force and Navy, have been
making liaison rounds of Egyptian, Turkish, Jordanian and Israeli general
staff operations departments.

Terror experts stress that even if the entire Horn of Africa is cleansed of
al-Qaida, terrorists in Africa remains to be tackled. At most, the terrorists
retain a fringe presence there, unlike in 1991, when Somalia became an
important link in the chain of bases bin Laden built in Sudan, Ethiopia and
eastern Africa – mainly in Kenya and the Comoro Islands in the Indian Ocean.
Then, the terrorist's cohorts operated out of Somalia's main cities,
Mogadishu and Baidoa, as well as in the south, along the Kenyan border.

In October 1993, U.S. Rangers and the Delta Force felt the sharp edge of
those networks when they were forced into the biggest firefight the U.S.
military had waged since the Vietnam War, in the Mogadishu marketplace. It
ended in retreat and the deaths of 18 American servicemen. At the time, bin
Laden and al-Qaida were at the pinnacle of their strength in this region.

After the terror attacks against U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in
August 1998, the command backbone of al-Qaida's regional cells was driven out
of Kenya and the Comoros, then out of Somalia and on to Yemen, where their
tracks petered out.

In winter 1999, bin Laden visited northern Somalia for his last known visit
outside Afghanistan. He explored the possibility of setting up their
satellite stations and a communications system to link his scattered forces
via Ethiopian communications firms that he owned, and maybe still does.
Already then, he suspected that his Somali networks were exposed to U.S.
intelligence eavesdropping and the Horn of Africa was becoming dangerous for
his operations. After a brief trip to the Somali Indian Ocean coastal town of
Ras Kaambooni, bin Laden ordered his forces there substantially thinned out.

According to intelligence sources, two senior aides were with bin Laden on
his trip to Ras Kaambooni: Ahmed Khalfan Ghailani, several months earlier the
operations officer of the East African U.S. embassies bombing operations, and
Mohammed Fazul, who participated in the embassy attack in Nairobi.

Both are to be found on America's most-wanted list of 22 terrorists. And
both, plus a third key al-Qaida operative, are worth an especially hard look
in Washington before the war on terror is extended to the African continent
proper: Ahmed Ghailani's role is analogous to that filled by the late
al-Qaida chief of staff and chief military tactician, Mohammed Ataf, who lost
his life in the U.S.-led offensive in Afghanistan, and Mohammed Fazul, who in
Africa would fill Ayman al-Zawahiri's role of deputy leader.

The third operative is Imad Mughniyeh, top of Washington's wanted terrorist
list before bin Laden's advent for his anti-U.S. atrocities in Lebanon of the
1980s. Just before the Sept. 11 attacks in America, bin Laden named him
supreme commander of al-Qaida networks in the Persian Gulf, the Middle East
and Africa.

This trio has been assigned joint command of bin Laden's networks in Africa.




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