-Caveat Lector-

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Date sent:              Sat, 12 Jan 2002 19:42:46 -0800
From:                   "M. L. Hawkins" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject:                [CIA-DRUGS] The Left and the Death of Kennedy (Probe Magazine)
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To expand on Mike Ruppert's point about Corn and Chomsky being dangerous
to whistleblower life and limb, here's more on Chomsky's (and the
so-called liberal-left's) stonewalling of substantive discussion around
the JFK assassination -- or any other serious challenge to the continuing
evolution of global fascism.

"...(I)f we take Chomsky and Cockburn as being genuine in their
crusades—no matter how unattractive their tactics—their myopia about
politics is breathtaking."

Mike H.

http://www.webcom.com/ctka/pr197-left.html
>From the January-February, 1997 issue (Vol. 4 No. 2)

The Left and the Death of Kennedy
By Jim DiEugenio
[snip]
...(Marcus) Ray reveals his personal encounters with some of the leading
intellectuals of that ‘60’s and ‘70’s movement called the “New Left”,
namely Howard Zinn, Gar Alperovitz, Martin Peretz, and Noam Chomsky. He
shows how each of them rejected his plea....
[snip]
...Ray’s encounter with Chomsky is especially revealing and will be
disturbing to adherents of the MIT professor. In his book, Looking For
the Enemy, Michael Morrisey includes parts of a 1992 letter from Chomsky.
In discussing a government conspiracy to murder and cover-up the
assassination, the esteemed professor writes:
That would be an interesting question if there were any reason to believe
that it happened. Since I see no credible evidence for that belief, I
can’t accept that the issue is as you pose it. (p.6)
Apparently, Chomsky never thought that Marcus would include their three
hour session over just three pieces of evidence. This exposes the above
statement, and Chomsky’s public stance since Stone’s film, as a
deception.
Chomsky and his good friend and soulmate on the JFK case, Alexander
Cockburn went on an (orchestrated?) campaign at the time of Stone’s JFK
to convince whatever passes for the left in this country that the murder
of Kennedy was 1) not the result of a conspiracy, and 2) didn’t matter
even if it was. They were given unlimited space in magazines like The
Nation and Z Magazine. But, as Howard Zinn implied in a recent letter to
Schotz defending Chomsky, these stances are not based on facts or
evidence, but on a political choice. They choose not to fight this
battle. They would rather spend their time and effort on other matters.
When cornered themselves, Chomsky and Cockburn resort to rhetorical
devices like exaggeration, sarcasm, and ridicule. In other words, they
resort to propaganda and evasion.
CTKA believes that this is perhaps the most obvious and destructive
example of Schotz’s “denial.” For if we take Chomsky and Cockburn as
being genuine in their crusades—no matter how unattractive their
tactics—their myopia about politics is breathtaking. For if the
assassinations of the ‘60’s did not matter—and Morrisey notes that these
are Chomsky’s sentiments—then why has the crowd the left plays to shrunk
and why has the field of play tilted so far to the right? Anyone today
who was around in the ‘60’s will tell you that the Kennedys, King, and
Malcolm X electrified the political debate, not so much because of their
(considerable) oratorical powers, but because they were winning. On the
issues of economic justice, withdrawal from Southeast Asia, civil rights,
a more reasonable approach to the Third World, and a tougher approach to
the power elite within the U.S., they and the left were making
considerable headway. The very grounds of the debate had shifted to the
center and leftward on these and other issues. As one commentator has
written, today the bright young Harvard lawyers go to work on Wall
Street, in the sixties they went to work for Ralph Nader.
The promise of the Kennedys or King speaking on these issues could
galvanize huge crowds in the streets. But even more importantly, these
men had convinced a large part of both the white middle class, and the
younger generation that their shared interests were not with the wealthy
and powerful elites, but with the oppressed and minorities. Today, that
tendency has been pretty much reversed. Most of the general public and
the media have retreated into a reactionary pose. And some of the most
reactionary people are now esteemed public figures e.g. Rush Limbaugh,
Newt Gingrich, Howard Stern, people who would have been mocked or
ridiculed in the ‘60’s. And the Washington Post and Los Angeles Times,
under no pressure to disguise their real sympathies, can call Limbaugh a
mainstream conservative (12/2/96).
What remains of the left in this country today can be roughly epitomized
by the nexus of The Nation, the Pacifica Radio network (in six major
cities), and the media group FAIR (Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting).
We won’t include The New Republic in this equation since Peretz has now
moved so far to the right he can’t be called a liberal anymore. The
Nation has a circulation of about 98,000. Except for its New York outlet,
WBAI, Pacifica is nowhere near the force it was in the sixties and
seventies. The FAIR publication EXTRA has a circulation of about 17,000.
To use just one comparison, the rightwing American Spectator reaches over
500,000. To use another point of comparison, the truly liberal Ramparts,
which had no compunctions taking on the assassinations, reached over
300,000. As recently declassified CIA documents reveal, Ramparts became
so dangerous that it was targeted by James Angleton.
[snip]
...(W)hat Probe is trying to do here is not so much explain the reaction,
or non-reaction, of the Left to the death of John Kennedy. What we are
really saying is that, in the face of that non-reaction, the murder of
Kennedy was the first step that led to the death of the Left. That’s the
terrible truth that most of these men and organizations can’t bring
themselves to state. If they did, they would have to admit their
complicity in that result.

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