-Caveat Lector- >>>First off, I think Uncle Joe has been spending his time somewhere other than where there the light is. The suggestion that the United States should spend its time promoting its "values" is something he has been apparently ignorant or ignoring. Whether you canvas the Original Americans or the losers of the Spanish-American War or even the whole continent of Europe, which one you canvas wouldn't make any difference because all could most likely report on their views of the promotion of American "values", and likely shedding the kind of light Uncle Joe has been so far denied. Uncle Joe has probably spent little or no time actually living in those countries he seeks to educate. They have no problem with American "values" as long as theirs are respected equally and as well. But, what they would like to see is the Americans living up to their own "fundamental principles" before attempting to modify others' cultures. A<>E<>R<<<
>From http://www.ctnow.com/news/politics/hc- joeforeign0114.artjan14.story }}}>Begin POLITICS Lieberman's Foreign Policy: Propagate U.S. Values January 14, 2002 By DAVID LIGHTMAN, Washington Bureau Chief WASHINGTON -- Joe Lieberman's view of the United States' role in the world can be described in one phrase: Promote American values. He routinely speaks of the "primacy of values" and how this country must have a foreign and military policy that is "values-based and fully engaged." And in a speech today, he urges the country to pursue a two-track foreign policy, one that deals with the current terrorist threat but also pursues a longer-range strategy of promoting American values in Muslim countries. "Drain the swamp, seed the garden" is a phrase Lieberman, D-Conn., is expected to use to describe the policy. His address, heavily publicized in Washington, will be given at Georgetown University as part of that school's Lecture Fund series. It serves three purposes - it details Lieberman's foreign policy positions; it reviews what he learned on last week's trip to Central Asia; and it helps position him as a leading Democratic Party voice on international affairs. The Democrats are without any single public spokesman for foreign policy. Senate Majority Leader Thomas A. Daschle, D-S.D., is more interested in domestic matters, and Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Joseph R. Biden Jr., D-Del., who is touring the same areas as Lieberman, is not as well-known as the Connecticut senator. Lieberman, the Democrats' 2000 vice presidential candidate, has the background, the platform and the opportunity, and he's taking it. The plan he lays out today is in many ways the next chapter in the philosophy he's been talking and writing about since he got to Washington in 1989. Even his usual critics concede he has worked hard to study and shape his foreign policy views, and has been consistent in applying them. "You have to give him credit. He was there on a lot of these issues before it was cool," said Connecticut Republican Chairman Chris DePino. What drives the Lieberman doctrine is that he believes that it is this country's duty to spread its views of democracy and faith in God - its values - around the world. The next great challenge, he will say today, is to promote those values in Muslim countries; doing so, he believes, is very much is in the United States' interest because it aids this country's national security. In a December speech to the moderate Democratic Leadership Council, Lieberman defined the war on terrorism as pitting "the medieval zealotry and religious fanaticism of a holy war against the universalistic, humanitarian, democratic, tolerant ideals of America," he said, "ideals which, incidentally, are themselves faith- based." Lieberman has strong feelings about this. He has said this country's "fundamental principles" are "as much on the line in this war against terrorism as they were in our battles with Nazism and communism." That's why, he said last week as he prepared to return from Afghanistan, the United States' immediate steps should involve diplomatic efforts in the India-Pakistan and Middle East conflicts, the ouster of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein, and a refusal to deal with Iran or any other country that will not cooperate in rooting out terrorists. All that, though, is the easy part of diplomacy and politics, and Lieberman will try to go a step further today as he discusses the long-term future. He wants a systematic way in which the United States can provide economic and cultural aid to other nations; he believes the U. S. too often ignored countries such as Afghanistan and thus allowed radical movements to flourish. In fact, he is expected to say today, the United States should be prepared to challenge countries that harbor terrorists, regardless of whether we get help from those countries. And he is expected to continue his willingness to embrace and support insurgent movements in renegade nations. Those stances separate him from other Democrats politically, and some think he is trigger-happy and simplistic, too eager to espouse a one- policy-fits-all approach. The doubters have cited two examples. One is Lieberman's strong backing for Kosovar rebels fighting Slobodan Milosevic's Serbian forces in 1999, a stance that Cato Institute foreign policy expert Ted Galen Carpenter calls a "classic example" of a politician venturing where he has no business going. "It was a case of willful thinking overtaking good judgment," he said. There has also been a steady drumbeat of criticism for Lieberman's 11- year-old view that the United States should seek to militarily overthrow the current government of Iraq. "Making statements that can be interpreted as threatening are not very helpful," said Kathy Kelly, co-coordinator of Voices in the Wilderness, a Chicago-based group that opposes sanctions against Iraq. "You have to step back and remember we could be talking about World War III." Perhaps the biggest question surrounding the Lieberman doctrine is how far the United States should be prepared to go in defending and promoting a values-based foreign policy. Should it overlook human rights violations in China? Should it support moderate regimes that deny their citizens certain civil liberties? And most important, just what should the United States' commitment be to these countries? Clearly, Lieberman said last week, the United States should play an important diplomatic role, "to use our fully flexed muscles to mediate some of the regional disputes that will only become more incendiary if we remain distant from them." "There's no question in my mind what we saw in the region is what you might call a civil war in the Islamic world between a small fanatical group of terrorists" and the majority of the population, which is far more moderate, Lieberman said on CBS' "Face the Nation." Lieberman returned last week from a seven-day trip to the region. Lieberman has long been unafraid to support military intervention when he believes it is needed. He was one of the most outspoken Democrats in 1991 in backing President Bush's father's request for authority to conduct the Gulf War, and was just as vocal in his support for sending American troops to Bosnia in 1998. Ultimately, Lieberman is likely to call for a policy that deals with the Muslim world the way the United States dealt with the Communist threat after World War II - fight aggression where challenged, promote democracy everywhere. That struggle had good and not-so-good results - the Vietnam War, for instance - but ultimately the United States triumphed. No one knows how this fight will turn out, of course, but for now, Lieberman said, the path is clear. "We need to be actively involved," he said, "in maintaining stability." 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