-Caveat Lector-

March 2, 2002

Radical New Views of Islam and the Origins of the Koran

By ALEXANDER STILLE

http://www.nytimes.com/2002/03/02/arts/02ISLA.html

To Muslims the Koran is the very word of God, who spoke through the Angel
Gabriel to Muhammad: "This book is not to be doubted," the Koran declares
unequivocally at its beginning. Scholars and writers in Islamic countries who
have ignored that warning have sometimes found themselves the target of death
threats and violence, sending a chill through universities around the world.

Yet despite the fear, a handful of experts have been quietly investigating the
origins of the Koran, offering radically new theories about the text's meaning
and the rise of Islam.

Christoph Luxenberg, a scholar of ancient Semitic languages in Germany, argues
that the Koran has been misread and mistranslated for centuries. His work,
based on the earliest copies of the Koran, maintains that parts of Islam's holy
book are derived from pre-existing Christian Aramaic texts that were
misinterpreted by later Islamic scholars who prepared the editions of the Koran
commonly read today.

So, for example, the virgins who are supposedly awaiting good Islamic martyrs
as their reward in paradise are in reality "white raisins" of crystal clarity
rather than fair maidens.

Christoph Luxenberg, however, is a pseudonym, and his scholarly tome ""The Syro-
Aramaic Reading of the Koran" had trouble finding a publisher, although it is
considered a major new work by several leading scholars in the field. Verlag
Das Arabische Buch in Berlin ultimately published the book.

The caution is not surprising. Salman Rushdie's "Satanic Verses" received a
fatwa because it appeared to mock Muhammad. The Egyptian novelist Naguib
Mahfouz was stabbed because one of his books was thought to be irreligious. And
when the Arab scholar Suliman Bashear argued that Islam developed as a religion
gradually rather than emerging fully formed from the mouth of the Prophet, he
was injured after being thrown from a second- story window by his students at
the University of Nablus in the West Bank. Even many broad-minded liberal
Muslims become upset when the historical veracity and authenticity of the Koran
is questioned.

The reverberations have affected non-Muslim scholars in Western countries.
"Between fear and political correctness, it's not possible to say anything
other than sugary nonsense about Islam," said one scholar at an American
university who asked not to be named, referring to the threatened violence as
well as the widespread reluctance on United States college campuses to
criticize other cultures.

While scriptural interpretation may seem like a remote and innocuous activity,
close textual study of Jewish and Christian scripture played no small role in
loosening the Church's domination on the intellectual and cultural life of
Europe, and paving the way for unfettered secular thought. "The Muslims have
the benefit of hindsight of the European experience, and they know very well
that once you start questioning the holy scriptures, you don't know where it
will stop," the scholar explained.

The touchiness about questioning the Koran predates the latest rise of Islamic
militancy. As long ago as 1977, John Wansbrough of the School of Oriental and
African Studies in London wrote that subjecting the Koran to "analysis by the
instruments and techniques of biblical criticism is virtually unknown."

Mr. Wansbrough insisted that the text of the Koran appeared to be a composite
of different voices or texts compiled over dozens if not hundreds of years.
After all, scholars agree that there is no evidence of the Koran until 691 � 59
years after Muhammad's death � when the Dome of the Rock mosque in Jerusalem
was built, carrying several Koranic inscriptions.

These inscriptions differ to some degree from the version of the Koran that has
been handed down through the centuries, suggesting, scholars say, that the
Koran may have still been evolving in the last decade of the seventh century.
Moreover, much of what we know as Islam � the lives and sayings of the Prophet
� is based on texts from between 130 and 300 years after Muhammad's death.

In 1977 two other scholars from the School for Oriental and African Studies at
London University � Patricia Crone (a professor of history at the Institute for
Advanced Study in Princeton) and Michael Cook (a professor of Near Eastern
history at Princeton University) � suggested a radically new approach in their
book "Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World."

Since there are no Arabic chronicles from the first century of Islam, the two
looked at several non-Muslim, seventh-century accounts that suggested Muhammad
was perceived not as the founder of a new religion but as a preacher in the Old
Testament tradition, hailing the coming of a Messiah. Many of the early
documents refer to the followers of Muhammad as "hagarenes," and the "tribe of
Ishmael," in other words as descendants of Hagar, the servant girl that the
Jewish patriarch Abraham used to father his son Ishmael.

In its earliest form, Ms. Crone and Mr. Cook argued, the followers of Muhammad
may have seen themselves as retaking their place in the Holy Land alongside
their Jewish cousins. (And many Jews appear to have welcomed the Arabs as
liberators when they entered Jerusalem in 638.)

The idea that Jewish messianism animated the early followers of the Prophet is
not widely accepted in the field, but "Hagarism" is credited with opening up
the field. "Crone and Cook came up with some very interesting revisionist
ideas," says Fred M. Donner of the University of Chicago and author of the
recent book "Narratives of Islamic Origins: The Beginnings of Islamic
Historical Writing." "I think in trying to reconstruct what happened, they went
off the deep end, but they were asking the right questions."

The revisionist school of early Islam has quietly picked up momentum in the
last few years as historians began to apply rational standards of proof to this
material.

Mr. Cook and Ms. Crone have revised some of their early hypotheses while
sticking to others. "We were certainly wrong about quite a lot of things," Ms.
Crone said. "But I stick to the basic point we made: that Islamic history did
not arise as the classic tradition says it does."

Ms. Crone insists that the Koran and the Islamic tradition present a
fundamental paradox. The Koran is a text soaked in monotheistic thinking,
filled with stories and references to Abraham, Isaac, Joseph and Jesus, and yet
the official history insists that Muhammad, an illiterate camel merchant,
received the revelation in Mecca, a remote, sparsely populated part of Arabia,
far from the centers of monotheistic thought, in an environment of idol-
worshiping Arab Bedouins. Unless one accepts the idea of the angel Gabriel, Ms.
Crone says, historians must somehow explain how all these monotheistic stories
and ideas found their way into the Koran.

"There are only two possibilities," Ms. Crone said. "Either there had to be
substantial numbers of Jews and Christians in Mecca or the Koran had to have
been composed somewhere else."

Indeed, many scholars who are not revisionists agree that Islam must be placed
back into the wider historical context of the religions of the Middle East
rather than seeing it as the spontaneous product of the pristine Arabian
desert. "I think there is increasing acceptance, even on the part of many
Muslims, that Islam emerged out of the wider monotheistic soup of the Middle
East," says Roy Mottahedeh, a professor of Islamic history at Harvard
University.

Scholars like Mr. Luxenberg and Gerd- R. Puin, who teaches at Saarland
University in Germany, have returned to the earliest known copies of the Koran
in order to grasp what it says about the document's origins and composition.
Mr. Luxenberg explains these copies are written without vowels and diacritical
dots that modern Arabic uses to make it clear what letter is intended. In the
eighth and ninth centuries, more than a century after the death of Muhammad,
Islamic commentators added diacritical marks to clear up the ambiguities of the
text, giving precise meanings to passages based on what they considered to be
their proper context. Mr. Luxenberg's radical theory is that many of the text's
difficulties can be clarified when it is seen as closely related to Aramaic,
the language group of most Middle Eastern Jews and Christians at the time.

For example, the famous passage about the virgins is based on the word hur,
which is an adjective in the feminine plural meaning simply "white." Islamic
tradition insists the term hur stands for "houri," which means virgin, but Mr.
Luxenberg insists that this is a forced misreading of the text. In both ancient
Aramaic and in at least one respected dictionary of early Arabic, hur means
"white raisin."

Mr. Luxenberg has traced the passages dealing with paradise to a Christian text
called Hymns of Paradise by a fourth-century author. Mr. Luxenberg said the
word paradise was derived from the Aramaic word for garden and all the
descriptions of paradise described it as a garden of flowing waters, abundant
fruits and white raisins, a prized delicacy in the ancient Near East. In this
context, white raisins, mentioned often as hur, Mr. Luxenberg said, makes more
sense than a reward of sexual favors.

In many cases, the differences can be quite significant. Mr. Puin points out
that in the early archaic copies of the Koran, it is impossible to distinguish
between the words "to fight" and "to kill." In many cases, he said, Islamic
exegetes added diacritical marks that yielded the harsher meaning, perhaps
reflecting a period in which the Islamic Empire was often at war.

A return to the earliest Koran, Mr. Puin and others suggest, might lead to a
more tolerant brand of Islam, as well as one that is more conscious of its
close ties to both Judaism and Christianity.

"It is serious and exciting work," Ms. Crone said of Mr. Luxenberg's work. Jane
McAuliffe, a professor of Islamic studies at Georgetown University, has asked
Mr. Luxenberg to contribute an essay to the Encyclopedia of the Koran, which
she is editing.

Mr. Puin would love to see a "critical edition" of the Koran produced, one
based on recent philological work, but, he says, "the word critical is
misunderstood in the Islamic world � it is seen as criticizing or attacking the
text."

Some Muslim authors have begun to publish skeptical, revisionist work on the
Koran as well. Several new volumes of revisionist scholarship, "The Origins of
the Koran," and "The Quest for the Historical Muhammad," have been edited by a
former Muslim who writes under the pen name Ibn Warraq. Mr. Warraq, who heads a
group called the Institute for the Secularization of Islamic Society, makes no
bones about having a political agenda. "Biblical scholarship has made people
less dogmatic, more open," he said, "and I hope that happens to Muslim society
as well."

But many Muslims find the tone and claims of revisionism offensive. "I think
the broader implications of some of the revisionist scholarship is to say that
the Koran is not an authentic book, that it was fabricated 150 years later,"
says Ebrahim Moosa, a professor of religious studies at Duke University, as
well as a Muslim cleric whose liberal theological leanings earned him the
animosity of fundamentalists in South Africa, which he left after his house was
firebombed.

Andrew Rippin, an Islamicist at the University of Victoria in British Columbia,
Canada, says that freedom of speech in the Islamic world is more likely to
evolve from within the Islamic interpretative tradition than from outside
attacks on it. Approaches to the Koran that are now branded as heretical �
interpreting the text metaphorically rather than literally � were widely
practiced in mainstream Islam a thousand years ago.

"When I teach the history of the interpretation it is eye-opening to students
the amount of independent thought and diversity of interpretation that existed
in the early centuries of Islam," Mr. Rippin says. "It was only in more recent
centuries that there was a need for limiting interpretation."

------------------------
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