March 22



PAKIStAN:

Lies about Shafqat case being exposed ----- Jail, police record shows he was 23 when he killed child



The Interior Ministry's initial probe into the age of condemned prisoner Shafqat Hussain negates the claim of certain NGOs and civil society that he was a juvenile when he killed a 7-year-old child in 2004.

Not only does the jail and police record confirm that the killer was 23 in 2004, but his latest photo obtained by the Interior Ministry shows him to be above 30 now.

His 2004 picture, taken soon after his arrest, also negates the propaganda which forced the government to defer his execution for 30 days.

The authorities are now considering constituting a medical board to determine the age of the convict.

The motives behind the campaign are also being looked into, as the case has also got the attention of the international community because of the NGOs' false propaganda.

Facts show that Shafqat Hussain had not only killed the boy, but also demanded ransom from his parents.

Shafqat, presently confined to the Central jail Karachi, had killed the 7-year-old child whose family lived in a flat of the same building where he served as a watchman (chowkidar). The NGOs' lately discovered Shafqat lured the child into his room and killed him.

According to the killer's confession, he lured the child into showing him a rabbit. Since there was no rabbit and the killer's intentions were also wrong, the child shouted and tried to run away. Shafqat hit the child on his head with a rod, killing him on the spot.

Later he threw the body in a nearby nullah. Since no one suspected him, he started making phone calls to the parents demanding ransom for the release of the child already killed.

He was caught red-handed while collecting the ransom money, as the parents had already engaged the police. The phone record also spoke against him.

Following the police interrogation, Shafqat not only confessed to his inhuman act, but also took the police to the nullah where he had thrown the child's body.

According to the police record, the killer was admitted to the Central Prison Karachi on May 31, 2004. At the time of his arrest, the killer was 23 years of age. Because of his confessional statement and the relevant evidence, the Anti-Terrorism Court No III Karachi awarded him death on September 1, 2004.

According to a police report, the convict filed an appeal with the Sindh High Court against his conviction but the court upheld his death penalty in May 2006. Later, Shafqat approached the Supreme Court, which dismissed his criminal appeal in October 2007.

On July 11, 2012, the president also rejected his mercy petition and his execution was fixed for August 8, 2012 but was later postponed till June 30, 2013. His 2nd execution was fixed for August 22, 2013 but the same was also postponed following the Interior Ministry's letter which held in abeyance all executions.

After the December 2014 decision of the government to end the moratorium on the death penalty, Shafqat Hussain's black warrant was issued on January 14, 2015. But again a letter dated January 6, 2015 issued by the Interior Ministry stayed his execution.

Later, the Interior Ministry issued another letter to all the provinces directing them to proceed in cases of condemned prisoners strictly as per the law where all legal options and avenues had been exhausted and mercy petitions rejected.

The Sindh Home Department again processed Shafqat Hussain's case for execution of his death penalty. A black warrant was again issued and he was to be sent to the gallows on March 19 at 05:30 am, but his execution was again postponed initially for 3 days and later for another 30 days.

A reliable Interior Ministry source admitted that the NGOs' campaign to prove Shafqat Hussain a juvenile had forced the government to stop the execution. The source said a preliminary inquiry into the case showed the campaign was misleading.

The source said the age factor, which has been the focus of the NGOs and civil society campaign, had never been an issue before the court or the law at any stage.

"We minutely went through all the relevant police and jail records, which proved that the killer was 23 and not 14 in 2004," the source said, adding that the "juvenile" factor was a recent twist based on 'sheer lies'.

The authorities also question the credibility and authenticity of the recent emergence of a birth certificate of the killer, whose old (2004) as well as latest photos have also been obtained by official quarters concerned to correct the facts.

According to a report, Shafqat Hussain's birth certificate was issued by a local council in Neelum Valley only recently on the basis of an affidavit by the family.

Although the police, jail and judicial record of Shafqat Hussain and his old and new photos strongly negate the propaganda, the government may decide for its own satisfaction to get Shafqat's medical examination done by a team of doctors.

However, it is apprehended that the NGOs which are hell-bent on protecting the killer may try to create further complications by using the media.

There have been several voices from the civil society and the media too to protect the killer on the basis of sheer lies, but no one has bothered to look into facts or show any feelings for the parents of the young child killed by Shafqat Hussain.

However, the NGO campaign may continue and there have been several voices from civil society and the media too to protect the killer.

(source: The News)

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A Patchwork Of Modernity



The recent decision of the President to lift a 5-year old moratorium on the execution of all regular death sentences has attracted strong criticism from a number of human rights groups and activists. However, it is disappointing to note that, despite being a momentous occasion, it has not offered any promise of meaningful reform in the use of the President's discretion or the critic's privilege.

While the human rights groups may want to take credit for initial imposition of the moratorium, the fact is that the moratorium was announced on 21 June 2008 to mark the 1st posthumous birthday of PPP's slain leader Benazir Bhutto. This moratorium was initially lifted in the wake of the attack on APS Peshawar last December so as to execute only "jet black" terrorists with or without the help of military courts.

However, riding on that slippery slope, the Government has now restored the orders for execution of all death row prisoners without any hope of relief from the President.

It is understandable that human rights groups and activists should oppose the death penalty. Their argument is simple: since it is humanly impossible to devise an infallible criminal justice so as to completely eliminate the risk of error in awarding the death penalty, we must not use this peculiar form of punishment.

While this is a logically sound argument, it fails to realize that the argument against death penalty in its present form has evolved in Western Europe over the past 500 years and cannot easily be applied to Pakistan without accounting for the local historical and philosophical context. Indeed, their argument is relevant to Pakistan only because of the existence here of a modern-looking judicial system.

The fact is that Pakistan is now operating on constitutionally protected Islamic criminal law that provides for justice under the principle of Qisas - that is, life for life unless pardoned by the heirs of the deceased. As it happens, this tribal approach to criminal justice adopted by Islamic law sits rather well with the cultures of biradri and ghairat prevalent in Pakistan.

The fact that there are more than 40 other countries still using death penalty - including secular democratic countries like the United States, India, and Japan - further weakens the argument by way of universal morality.

In these conditions, the demand for the repeal of, or a moratorium on death penalty appears to be premature, if not a misconceived and misdirected patchwork of modern jurisprudence on an essentially medieval social fabric. Having said this, though the problematics of an admittedly difficult situation cannot be ignored, it is morally repugnant to ignore the barbarity of questionable executions.

There might be no one systematic point from which to begin reforming the system, but protesting unabashed injustice is a good place to start.

(source: The Nation)








THAILAND:

Suspect 'tried to shut down bomb plot'



The volunteer nurse accused of helping to plan a string of bomb attacks across Bangkok has denied any role in the plot, and said she warned her alleged co-conspirators against embarking on a campaign of violence.

Speaking through her lawyer from a cell at Klong Prem Central Prison - formally called the Central Women's Correctional Institution - Nattatida Meewangpla admitted to being a member of the Line group called Thai Pakee ("Thai Assembly"), along with several of her co-accused.

She alleged that fellow suspect Supaporn "Dear" Mitarak had informed her that the group members wanted to launch a string of bomb attacks in the capital as a "Valentine's Day present" to deposed former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

Ms Nattatida's lawyer said that she opposed the plan, and tried to persuade the group to abandon it. "She told Dear that Mr Thaksin wouldn't appreciate it since he is not a violent person," her lawyer, Winyat Chatmontree, told the Bangkok Post Sunday.

Mr Winyat said Ms Nattatida had denied any involvement in the planning or execution of the bomb attacks. "She said it is true that she knew people who were [allegedly] involved with the attacks, but she had nothing to do with the planning," he said.

When her warnings were not heeded, Ms Nattatida said she left the Line group. She did not specify when this occurred, although she said it was before the twin blasts at Siam Paragon on Feb 1 and the Criminal Court grenade attack on March 7.

However, she maintained her friendship with one of the group members, Surapol Iam-suwan, who she later asked for a loan of 5,000 baht to help cover the rent of a laundry shop she was running with her boyfriend in Muang Thong Thani.

She said she intended to borrow from Mr Surapol's personal funds, and was not aware that the money transferred to her had allegedly come from donations made to the group by red-shirt supporters.

Police have alleged Mr Surapol was hired by the group to plant bombs in five locations around Bangkok, for which he was to allegedly collect a fee of 50,000 baht.

The comments were the 1st time Ms Nattatida, a key witness in the 2010 Wat Prathum Wanaram killing case in which 6 people were shot dead by soldiers, has spoken to the media since her release from military custody last week.

She was taken from her cousin's home in Samut Prakarn by a group of soldiers on March 11, after which she claims she was blindfolded and moved to an unidentified military installation.

During her detention, Ms Nattatida said she was kept in a windowless room. She told Mr Winyat that she faced threats of violence and feared she would be killed.

The military initially denied it had played a role in Ms Nattatida's disappearance, but was later forced to admit it had "invited" her for talks which lasted 7 days.

4 of the 9 suspects in the case have claimed they faced torture during military detention, including one who showed photographs to the media of severe bruising to his chest. The army has threatened to launch legal action against anyone who alleges that the military tortured any of the suspects. Ms Nattatida's lawyer also suggested she had been mistreated.

"She told me that one military officer took the phone from her and read her Line messages. He was trying to force her to admit that she was part of the bomb attack plan, but she refused," Mr Winyat said. "So that officer took the phone and hit her on her chest. She explained that she was terrified and cried a lot." She also said her initial request for her own lawyer was denied.

The Thai Lawyers for Human Rights on Saturday demanded a full investigation into the allegations of mistreatment, saying in a formal statement members had seen "the traces of torture still visible on the bodies of some suspects".

"Any attempt contrary to that, including the threatening of a lawsuit against the complainants... shall further intimidate the suspects making them too scared to seek any legal remedies," the group said.

Ms Nattatida has been charged with terrorism, conspiracy to commit crime, possession of illegal war weapons, violating NCPO orders and lese majeste. Mr Winyat said she faces the prospect of the death penalty or life in prison.

(source: Bangkok Post)








MALAYSIA:

Johor Sultan Grants Full Pardon To One Prisoner, Commutes Death Sentence To Life Imprisonment For 10 Others



Sultan Ibrahim Almarhum Sultan Iskandar has consented to grant full pardon to a prisoner and commute the death sentences of 10 other prisoners to life imprisonment in conjunction with his coronation as the 5th Sultan of modern Johor Sunday.

Johor State Secretary Datuk Ismail Karim said the prisoner granted full pardon, a juvenile offender when he committed a murder offence in 2004, was released on March 19 after an audience with the Johor Sultan.

"Sultan Ibrahim had chaired a meeting of the Johor Pardons Board on March 5.

"The meeting gave consideration to 10 cases for pardon on the death penalty under Rule 114, Prison Regulations 2000 and 13 cases for review of sentences every 4 years (KHETS) under Rule 54, Prisons Regulation 2000," he told reporters at the Sultan Ibrahim Building, Bukit Timbalan, here.

Ismail said the meeting was attended by Johor Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin, Attorney-General Tan Sri Abdul Gani and 3 other Pardon Board members appointed by the Sultan.

He said on the advice of the Johor Pardons Board, Sultan Ibrahim gave the juveniles offender, now 28 years old, a reprieve and was released with the condition that he seek an audience with the Sultan to ensure he had repented.

Following that, the prisoner released under KHETS, had an audience with the Sultan at noon on March 19, at Istana Bukit Serene here, in the presence of his parents and accompanied by prison officers.

With the amnesty given, it was hoped that the pardoned prisoner would use his 2nd chance to contribute to his family, community and country, he said.

For the commutation of sentences for the 10 prisoners, Ismail said Sultan Ibrahim had consented to pardon them on the death penalty and commute their sentences to life imprisonment for three prisoners who had committed an offence under Section 39B (1) (a) of the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952.

The sentences of 3 other prisoners who had committed offences under Section 3 of the Firearms (Increased Penalties) Act 1971 were also commuted to life imprisonment.

"A prisoner who committed an offence under Section 3 of the Firearms Act (Increased Penalties) Act 1971 and 3 others who committed offences under Section 302 of the Penal Code also had their death sentences withdrawn and instead were commuted to life sentence without parole," he said.

(source: Bernama)








UNITED KINGDOM/SAUDI ARABIA:

British money 'may be supporting' executions of drug mules in Saudi Arabia ---- Prisoners' rights group calls on Home Office to rethink funding for UN narcotics programme



A United Nations agency that receives millions of pounds in UK funding has come under fire over its support for Saudi Arabia's efforts to combat drug trafficking at a time when the death penalty is increasingly being used against drug mules in the kingdom.

The last 2 annual reports from the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) both state that in the kingdom "UNODC has agreed to intensify its cooperation with the general directorate of narcotics control on drug control-related matters, including support to law enforcement efforts to combat illicit drug trafficking".

The UK provides funding for specific UNODC programmes, although none of the money goes to Gulf countries.

"The UK does not provide funding to any UN Office on Drugs and Crime programmes in Saudi Arabia," said a Home Office spokesman. "We oppose the death penalty in all circumstances as a matter of principle, and the UK government frequently states this position in the strongest terms."

However, UK money does help pay for the general administration of UNODC, which has an annual budget of $600m (401m pounds). Critics question whether this support is consistent with the UK's opposition to the death penalty.

"The Home Office, as one of UNODC's biggest donors, can no longer remain silent," said Maya Foa, director of the death penalty team at prisoners' rights group Reprieve. "Theresa May must urgently raise this matter with UNODC, and come clean over how British money may be supporting executions by some of the world's most abusive regimes."

By 17 February this year, the Saudi authorities had reportedly executed 31 people, putting the country on course to surpass the 240 people executed in 2014. Of these, 11 appear to have been charged with drugs offences. According to Saudi media reports, a number of those executed were then "crucified", a practice that involves placing the severed head of the offender back on the body and mounting it on a cross for display.

"This year has seen Saudi Arabia carry out executions at an alarming rate - 1/2 of which appear to be for non-violent drugs offences," Foa said. "This must ring alarm bells for those supporting counter-narcotics policing in the kingdom. The UNODC must stop helping countries like Saudi Arabia send ever-greater numbers to the swordsman's blade."

UNODC's presence in the Gulf has grown as the region has become a big heroin-trafficking route. Seizures of the drug in Saudi Arabia have increased from one kilo a year in the early 2000s to 111kg in 2011. Much of the trade is overseen by terrorist groups who force mules into smuggling heroin and other drugs through the kingdom by holding members of their family hostage.

Saudi attempts to combat the heroin trade are framed by UNODC executive director, Yury Fedotov, as a counter-terrorism measure. Fedotov has praised the kingdom's efforts to clamp down on drug trafficking and highlighted the need for all Gulf countries to step up their efforts against heroin smuggling.

The Observer has repeatedly asked UNODC to comment about the nature of its work in helping Saudi Arabia combat drug trafficking but it declined.

However, in a letter to Reprieve, UNODC said it shared concerns about Saudi use of the death penalty, but its cooperation with the kingdom was "focused on technical assistance and capacity building".

(source: The Guardian)








GLOBAL:

Hung Jury ---- Buddhists aren't as unanimously opposed to the death penalty as you might think.



The Dalai Lama had just finished speaking at an event on the Capitoline Hill in Rome when I sought him out and asked him to be one of the first signatories of the Community of Sant'Egidio's Appeal for a Moratorium on the Death Penalty. He accepted immediately and signed in earth-green ink, which came as no surprise. Who more than the Dalai Lama is identified around the world with the need to respect life?

Indeed, all schools of Buddhism emphasize respect for life in all its forms. Though the Buddha did not specifically address capital punishment in his teachings, he encouraged his adherents not to do anything that could harm others, saying, "An action, even if it brings benefit to oneself, cannot be considered a good action if it causes physical and mental pain to another being."

The respect for life that permeates Buddhism is inextricably connected to the principle of samsara, the infinitely repeating cycle of birth, suffering, death, and rebirth. Buddhists believe that samsara is the world's nervous system, and when the death penalty is applied, both the person whose life is taken and the person who takes that life are negatively affected. It follows that trying to gain recompense for evil and even for violent death by inflicting more death simply causes a greater imbalance; only rehabilitation can restore balance and harmony in this world and the world of the spirit.

But, of course, the devil is in the details: in many countries where Buddhism is influential, such as Thailand and Japan, the death penalty is still thriving in spirit and in practice.

What accounts for this contradiction? One explanation may be that there is a wide disparity between the practices of Buddhist monastic orders and lay Buddhist followers, as in any religion. In their article "Mercy and Punishment: Buddhism and the Death Penalty," crimonlogy professors Leanne Fiftal Alarid and Hsiao-Ming Wang argue that while "the death penalty is inconsistent with Buddhist teachings," historical reality is more complicated:

Buddhist doctrines hold nonviolence and compassion for all life in high regard. The 1st precept of Buddhism requires individuals to abstain from injuring or killing all living creatures and Buddha's teaching restricts Buddhist monks from any political involvement. Using historical documents and interviews with contemporary authorities on Buddhist doctrine, our research uncovered a long history of political involvement by Buddhist monks and Buddhist support of violence.

The website ProCon.org gathers opinions from different cultures and religions on capital punishment. In the case of Buddhism, one voice on the "pro" side is that of Tomoko Sasaki, a former member of the Japanese Diet. Writing in a Washington Post article titled "Why Japan Still Has the Death Penalty," he evokes "retribution" to justify his opinion: "A basic teaching [in Japanese Buddhism] is retribution. If someone evil does something bad, he has to atone with his own life."

Sasaki assumes that capital punishment restores balance in karmic terms. But in reality, the death penalty creates a double negative: one life is lost, and then another follows. Capital punishment, seen in this way, is a violent disruption to the possibility of balancing different karmas and improving the world by favoring mercy and life. The flow and intercommunication of the reproductive karma, the supportive karma, the obstructive karma, and the destructive karma are dealt great blows by every death sentence.

When the Dalai Lama subscribed to the appeal I submitted on behalf of the community of Sant'Egidio, he also submitted this message, read at an event organized by the Peace Center on April 9, 1999:

The death penalty fulfills a preventive function, but it is also very clearly a form of revenge. It is an especially severe form of punishment because it is so final. The human life is ended and the executed person is deprived of the opportunity to change, to restore the harm done or compensate for it. Before advocating execution we should consider whether criminals are intrinsically negative and harmful people . . . The answer, I believe, is definitely not. However horrible the act they have committed, I believe that everyone has the potential to improve and correct themselves. Therefore, I am optimistic that it remains possible to deter criminal activity, and prevent such harmful consequences of such acts in society, without having to resort to the death penalty.

(source: Mario Marazziti is the cofounder of the World Coalition Against the Death Penalty. He lives in Rome, Italy. Excerpted from 13 Ways of Looking at the Death Penalty [Seven Stories Press, 2015]----tricycle.com)


*******************

Pope: death penalty is inadmissible no matter how serious the crime



Pope Francis repeated the Catholic Church's total opposition to the death penalty today, during his audience with a delegation from the International Commission against the Death Penalty. Extracts from the letter the Pope gave to Federico Mayor, president of the Commission, follow.

"I would like to take this opportunity to share with you some reflections on what the Church contributes to the humanistic efforts of the Commission. The Church's Magisterium, based on the Sacred Scripture and the thousand-year experience of the People of God, defends life from conception to natural end, and supports full human dignity inasmuch as it represents the image of God. Human life is sacred as, from its beginning, from the first instant of conception, it is the fruit of God's creating action".

"States kill when they apply the death penalty, when they send their people to war or when they carry out extrajudicial or summary executions. They can also kill by omission, when they fail to guarantee to their people access to the bare essentials for life. ... On some occasions it is necessary to repel an ongoing assault proportionately to avoid damage caused by the aggressor, and the need to neutralise him could lead to his elimination; this is a case of legitimate defence. However, the presuppositions of personal legitimate defence do not apply at the social level, without risk of misinterpretation.

When the death penalty is applied, it is not for a current act of aggression, but rather for an act committed in the past. It is also applied to persons whose current ability to cause harm is not current, as it has been neutralised - they are already deprived of their liberty".

"The death penalty is inadmissible, no matter how serious the crime committed. It is an offence against the inviolability of life and the dignity of the human person, which contradicts God's plan for man and society, and his merciful justice, and impedes the penalty from fulfilling any just objective.

It does not render justice to the victims, but rather fosters vengeance".

"For the rule of law, the death penalty represents a failure, as it obliges the state to kill in the name of justice. ... Justice can never be wrought by killing a human being. ... With the application of the death penalty, the convict is denied the possibility to repent or make amends for the harm caused; the possibility of confession, by which a man expresses his inner conversion, and contrition, the gateway to atonement and expiation, to reach an encounter with God's merciful and healing justice.

It is furthermore frequently used by totalitarian regimes and groups of fanatics for the extermination of political dissidents, minorities, and any subject labelled as 'dangerous' or who may be perceived as a threat to its power or to the achievement of its ends."

"The death penalty is contrary to the sentiment of humanitas and to divine mercy, which must be the model for human justice. ... There is discussion in some quarters about the method of killing, as if it were possible to find ways of 'getting it right'. ... But there is no humane way of killing another person". "On the other hand, life imprisonment entails for the prisoner the impossibility of planning a future of freedom, and may therefore be considered as a sort of covert death penalty, as they deprive detainees not only of their freedom, but also of hope. However, although the penal system can stake a claim to the time of convicted persons, it can never claim their hope."

"Dear friends, I encourage you to continue with your work, as the world needs witnesses of God's mercy and tenderness, and may the Lord Jesus grant the gift of wisdom, so that the action taken against this cruel punishment may be successful and fruitful."

(source: Independent Catholic News)

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