Aug. 25




TEXAS:

Death Watch: The Quality of State Killings----Why is the TDCJ so reluctant to test death drugs?


Friday's news that the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals stayed Jeffery Wood's execution - remanding the case back to Wood's Kerr County trial court so a judge can reconsider the testimony of Dr. James Grigson, the since-deceased forensic psychiatrist nicknamed "Dr. Death" because of his recurring state testimonies in capital cases - means the Texas' Department of Criminal Justice has seen each of the state's last 10 scheduled executions be stayed or delayed. (The state hasn't executed anyone since Pablo Vasquez on April 6.) Wood's stay, officially issued with respect to Grigson's testimony, was hopefully spurred in part by questions over the ethics of executing an individual who did not actually kill anyone (see "Death Watch: Executing Texas' Law of Parties," Aug. 12). It comes one week after the state temporarily spared the life of fellow inmate Robert Pruett, who also went to prison as an accomplice to a murder, and later went to death row for the murder of a prison guard in Beeville - though evidence is mounting that he may not be responsible for that killing, either.

Meanwhile, the state turns its attention to Rolando Ruiz, scheduled for execution Aug. 31. Ruiz, 44, was sent to death row for the 1992 murder-for-hire of Theresa Rodriguez. After agreeing to a $2,000 payment from Rodriguez's husband, Michael, and her brother-in-law, Mark, Ruiz shot Rodriguez in the head in her San Antonio garage; the brothers were trying to collect on a couple of hefty life insurance policies. Mark received a life sentence for capital murder. Michael - a member of the Texas 7, who broke out of the state's John B. Connally Unit on Dec. 13, 2000 and went on a crime spree - was sentenced to death and executed Aug. 14, 2008. 2 other men involved with the arranged killing were also sentenced to life for the crime.

Ruiz's chances for mitigation during the sentencing portion of his trial got muddied by the role he reportedly played during an uprising at the Bexar County Jail shortly after his arrest. Ruiz was convicted of aggravated assault on a peace officer, and attorneys say he lost the opportunity to present himself as a non-threat in the future. His habeas appeals were guided by what his trial attorneys failed to produce during that portion, specifically a psychologist's report detailing the "significant reduced mental capacity" Ruiz possessed at the time of Rodriguez's murder as a result of the drugs and alcohol he consumed to cope with an abusive upbringing.

On Aug. 12, with Wood and 3 of the 4 other inmates currently scheduled for death dates, Ruiz filed a complaint in Judge Lynn Hughes' federal district court that challenges the testing methods TDCJ employs for its doses of compounded pentobarbital, the highly secretive drug TDCJ uses to carry out its killings. The inmates' argument is rooted in the courtesy extended in Whitaker et al v. Livingston, a case from 2013. The case initially proved unsuccessful, but played a major role in fellow plaintiff Perry Williams' execution date getting withdrawn this summer (see "Death Watch: A First Time for Everything," July 15). In 2015, the Attorney General's Office agreed to retest Williams and Thomas Whitaker's doses shortly before their executions. Williams received his execution warrant in Jan. 2016. In early July, the state said that it did not have time to test Williams' pentobarbital dose in the 6 months following issuance of the warrant.

Attorneys for the 5 inmates argued that the precedent set by Whitaker and Williams means that their clients have a constitutional right to the same testing, a charge Hughes disagreed with late last week. Hughes' decision was sent to the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals on Aug. 19, where some kind of action will need to be taken before Ruiz's execution date comes up.

"All we ask for is for the state to retest the drug before the executions," said Michael Biles, 1 of the 3 attorneys working the case. "It's a 1-day test to make sure the drug still has the same potency and is not contaminated. No stay of executions, just a retest. The state refused. The court refused to grant us that release. We had a very small ask, and it's frustrating that we weren't successful [in federal court]."

(source: The Austin Chronicle)






PENNSYLVANIA:

Roger King, 72, 'larger than life' retired Philly homicide prosecutor


Roger King, 72, a towering figure in Philadelphia law enforcement during a decades-long career as a top homicide prosecutor in the District Attorney's Office, died Wednesday morning, Aug. 24, in hospice care in Wyndmoor.

The cause of death was metastatic kidney cancer, said his wife, Sharon Wainright. He had battled the disease for 2 years.

"Roger had a heart of gold," Wainright said. "He was very proud of the work that he had done."

Mr. King spent 3 decades prosecuting homicides in Philadelphia, including some of the city's most notorious cases, such as the conviction of David Dickson Jr., a former Drexel University security guard with a foot fetish who strangled a 20-year-old student in 1984.

When Mr. King retired in 2008, he had won 16 death-penalty convictions - more than anyone in Pennsylvania history at the time, according to Robert Dunham, executive director of the Death Penalty Information Center in Washington.

But his legacy was complicated by several overturned convictions. Just this week, a federal appeals court ruled that death-row inmate James Dennis - prosecuted by Mr. King in 1992 for murdering a teenage girl over her gold earrings - should be granted a new trial because police and prosecutors withheld evidence suggesting that Dennis was innocent.

Still, fellow prosecutors and defense attorneys on Wednesday described Mr. King as a fierce and effective litigator - intense, passionate, and at times intimidating. An imposing physical presence at 6-foot-2, Mr. King spoke with conviction inside the courtroom, his colleagues said, and was uniquely dedicated to trying even the toughest murder cases.

"There isn't a person who knew Roger who didn't know the devotion he had to being the best-prepared prosecutor ever," said former District Attorney Lynne M. Abraham, Mr. King's boss for 19 years.

Veteran defense attorney A. Charles Peruto Jr. said Mr. King was "a great opponent."

"Any good defense attorney respected him," Peruto said.

Mr. King was born in Tuscaloosa, Ala., on Aug. 3, 1944, the 6th of 7 children. His mother was a dietitian, his father a preacher.

He attended the University of Southern California and was a safety on the football team, according to his wife. He graduated in 1967, then went on to law school at the University of California, Los Angeles. After graduating, he briefly worked at the Federal Trade Commission, his wife said, and in 1973 joined the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office.

After just 3 years, Mr. King joined the homicide unit, a prestigious assignment for a young prosecutor. Abraham said other young African American lawyers were inspired watching him in the high-profile post, viewing him as "an example of someone who [was] a fearless warrior for justice."

Ed Rendell, the city's district attorney from 1978 through 1985, remembered Mr. King as "an incredible trial lawyer."

"He had a magnetic effect" on jurors, Rendell said. "He riveted their attention when he talked, and he was compelling in his arguments."

Jack McMahon, a prominent criminal defense attorney who worked with Mr. King as a prosecutor in the 1980s, said that he had a "preacher-like style" and an incredible memory - and that many in the office viewed him as "larger than life."

"He was dedicated" to the work, McMahon said. "It was his life."

Besides the Dickson and Dennis cases, Mr. King had a hand in other high-profile murder prosecutions, trying "thousands" of cases, including killers of children and police officers, he told an interviewer in 1995.

In 1997, he told a judge that the defendants in a case had plotted to kill him. And when he was digging into drug gangs involved with the Black Mafia and Junior Black Mafia, he said, he received at least four death threats a week.

Not all of Mr. King's efforts were successful.

When he and a colleague prosecuted the Lex Street massacre - an infamous 2000 shooting that left seven dead in West Philadelphia - they refused to release from prison the 4 men who had been charged even after new evidence pointed toward 4 other suspects.

The men later sued the city, and in 2003 they were awarded a $1.9 million settlement.

Mr. King was respected within the court system as a dogged and competitive lawyer. McMahon and Fortunato N. Perri Jr. - another prominent defense attorney - said that as young prosecutors, they would walk to his courtroom just to watch him in action.

Jude Conroy, an assistant district attorney who was mentored by Mr. King, said the office named an annual award for homicide prosecutors partly for him.

And Ed Cameron, assistant chief of the office's homicide unit, said Mr. King was so proud of his work that he later handed out business cards describing himself as a retired homicide prosecutor.

"This job," Cameron said, "was a really big part of his life."

In addition to his wife, Mr. King is survived by a daughter, Karen Epley.

Funeral services will be private.

(source: philly.com)

*********************

Federal judge dismisses appeal in 1987 Bristol Township anti-gay killing case


The federal judge who granted convicted killer Richard Laird a new trial in 2005 has decided differently the 2nd time around.

Laird, 52, saw his appeal shot down last week when U.S. District Judge Jan DuBois, in a 105-page opinion, upheld his conviction and death sentence.

Laird asked the court to overturn his 2007 conviction and death sentence for 1st-degree murder - his 2nd conviction by a Bucks County jury - for the Dec. 15, 1987, killing of 26-year-old Anthony Milano, of Bristol Township.

First Assistant District Attorney Michelle Henry, who prosecuted Laird in 1997 second trial, said she was pleased by the judge's "very gratifying" decision.

"The death penalty is appropriately reserved for the most heinous murders and the cold-blooded killers who commit them," she said.

Jurors first convicted Laird and co-defendant Frank Chester in 1989, sentencing both men to death for kidnapping Milano from a bar on Route 13 before beating him and slashing him to death with a utility knife.

Both men later had their verdicts overturned in federal court.

Chester, 48, pleaded guilty in March after a successful bid to avoid the death penalty while Laird continues to appeal.

In denying Laird's latest appeal, DuBois also declined to include a "certificate of appealability," complicating further appeals of the his decision.

District Attorney David Heckler said he found it refreshing to see federal courts "only calling balls and strikes" in death penalty cases.

"I have been disappointed over the years in the federal courts' handling of death penalty cases, because it seemed that they would use any excuse to reach the foregone conclusion that the death penalty was not going to be upheld," he said.

Despite the federal judge's decision, it remains unlikely Laird will be executed soon because some appeal options remain. Should he exhaust those options, Gov. Tom Wolf's moratorium on the death penalty will cause further delay.

(source: The Intelligencer)






VIRGINIA:

Judge in Joaquin Rams capital murder case suddenly steps down after handling it for 3 years


The long death penalty prosecution of Joaquin Rams in Prince William County, for allegedly drowning his toddler son in 2012, has taken another dramatic turn. Circuit Court Judge Craig D. Johnston, who had overseen the case since Rams's indictment in 2013, suddenly recused himself in June following a tragic death in the family. Then, after 2 other Prince William judges were appointed and also had to recuse, Fairfax Circuit Court Judge Randy I. Bellows took over the case and held his first hearing in Manassas Wednesday.

The move brings a new judge to a death penalty case that already is unusual because the defendant is claiming actual innocence, and he has three witnesses who corroborate his claim. The case has seen 3 years' worth of pretrial maneuvering, including a rarely-used special grand jury to investigate Rams, a reversal of the official cause of death, the disclosure that four jailhouse informants are prosecution witnesses and a pledge by Prince William prosecutors to continue pursuing Rams even if he beats the current charges. But Bellows showed Wednesday that he was well-versed in the case, ruled on 2 somewhat complicated motions without hesitation, and said the trial date of Feb. 21 would stand.

Rams, 44, is charged in the October 2012 death of Prince McLeod Rams, who was 15-months-old when he was found wet and unconscious in Rams's Manassas City home one Saturday afternoon. He died the next day at the hospital. Police and Prince William prosecutors believe Rams drowned the boy to collect $540,000 in life insurance proceeds for policies he'd taken out on Prince. Prince's mother had won custody of the boy after extensive hearings in Montgomery County, and he was on a short unsupervised visitation with his father when he collapsed and later died.

Rams, who claimed he splashed cold water on the boy because he was having a febrile seizure, was arrested in January 2013 after the Virginia medical examiner ruled that Prince died of drowning. He was indicted for capital murder in July 2013, and Johnston began presiding over the case. But recently, Johnston suffered his own tragedy: a toddler in his family was killed when another family members accidentally ran over the child, several lawyers familiar with the case said.

At a hearing in June, Prince William Circuit Court Judge Lon Farris took the bench and told the lawyers, "Judge Johnston wants me to express his apologies at having to withdraw, with the tragic events that occurred in his family in the last few weeks. He simply does not feel emotionally that he can handle the subject matter of this case. I assure you there were no legal or ethical matters resulting in his needing to withdraw from the case."

But the appointment of Farris didn't last long. Rams' lawyers pointed out that he had served as an "ex parte" judge in the case, hearing issues that one side didn't want to present in front of the other side. Farris initially declined to recuse, court records show, then changed his mind and stepped down in late June.

In July, Prince William Circuit Court Judge Steven S. Smith was appointed by the Virginia Supreme Court to take over the case. But the lawyers discovered that when Smith was in private practice, his firm had represented Rams on an unrelated matter. Smith recused.

The state Supreme Court then appointed Bellows, who is no stranger to stepping up for another judge in high-profile cases. Last year, he took over the trial of Alexandria's Charles Severance, accused of 3 slayings there, after Fairfax Circuit Court Judge Jane Marum Roush was appointed to the state Supreme Court. And in 2008 he took on his 1st death penalty case, stepping in for the retrial of Fairfax???s Alfredo Prieto after the original judge became Fairfax chief judge. A jury sentenced Prieto to death, Bellows imposed that sentence in 2010 and Prieto was executed last year.

Bellows is both a former public defender in the District and a former federal prosecutor in Alexandria, handling high-profile spy cases such as FBI double agent Robert Hanssen, before joining the Fairfax bench in 2002. He played a key role in the bringing scrutiny to the 2013 Fairfax police killing of John Geer, ordering the police to release their investigative and internal affairs records to the family in its civil suit. That set off a chain of events that led to the criminal conviction of Officer Adam Torres for involuntary manslaughter earlier this year.

Bellows now steps into his second death penalty case, but this time there is no official cause of death: the original ruling of drowning was reversed by Virginia's chief medical examiner in 2014 to "undetermined." In addition, Prince William prosecutors have said they plan to use 4 jailhouse informants against Rams, although one was ruled incompetent to stand trial for 2 years and another was found to be malingering when he claimed mental illness. Rams's lawyers asked for a "reliability" hearing on whether the informants were suitable to testify, but Johnston ruled against them. The collapse of a jailhouse informant's testimony in the D.C. murder case of federal intern Chandra Levy recently led to the dismissal of a conviction in her 2001 death .

On Wednesday, Bellows took on his 1st key issue in the Rams case. Rams's attorneys asked him to give the jury an instruction during the penalty phase of the case - if Rams is convicted - that if jurors are not unanimous in voting for a death sentence, the judge will impose a life sentence without parole. Defense attorney Chris Leibig, who also represented Charles Severance in front of Bellows, presented an affidavit from Scott E. Sundby, a capital punishment expert who said that, absent such an instruction, jurors often believe failing to reach a unanimous decision will cause a retrial or a resentencing, and that "jurors favoring life have changed their vote to death because of a mistaken concern."

But Bellows had not only researched the law, he had dug out a 2010 law review article Sundby had written about his research on death penalty jurors. The judge noted that the Virginia Supreme Court had weighed in against such an explanatory instruction to jurors on what happens if they aren't unanimous and that the U.S. Supreme Court had approvingly cited that reasoning.

"We don't want to communicate to jurors," Bellows said, "any reason for them to avoid their solemn responsibility to figure out what the appropriate sentence is." He rejected the defense request.

When prosecutors wanted to add extra aliases to Rams's indictment, to be sure that no potential juror had known him under a different name, Bellows knew that Rams had changed his name years ago, from his birth name of John Anthony Ramirez. "Was that in 2000 or 2002?" he asked. (It was 2002.) The judge allowed the aliases to be added.

Bellows said the trial remained slotted for 2 months beginning Feb. 21, and set nine pretrial hearing dates in coming months. Chief Deputy Commonwealth's Attorney Jim Willett said the prosecution's case would only take 5 to 6 days, and that even in the penalty phase of the case he would not seek to introduce evidence of 2 other Rams-related death cases. Rams's girlfriend, Shawn Mason, was shot to death in 2003 in Manassas City, and his mother, Alma Collins, was found asphyxiated in 2008. Prosecutors now believe Rams is responsible for both deaths and Willett previously sought to introduce them in the Prince Rams case. Johnston rejected that in 2014.

In arguing against granting Rams bond earlier this year, Willett said prosecutors planned to charge Rams with those murders if he is acquitted of killing Prince. Johnston then denied bond for Rams, who has been in jail for 3 years but had not previously requested bond or pushed for a speedy trial. Bellows did not say Wednesday whether he would reconsider any issues already decided by Johnston.

(source: Tom Jackman, Washington Post)






FLORIDA:

Florida won't budge on lethal injection records request----Lawyers for 7 death row inmates and the First Amendment Coalition of Arizona filed a subpoena seeking years of records related to Florida's triple-drug lethal injection protocol, including the types of drugs purchased, the strengths and amounts, the expiration dates and suppliers' names.


Lawyers representing Arizona death row inmates aren't backing down from a battle with Florida corrections officials over the release of documents related to execution drugs, part of a drawn-out challenge to Arizona's lethal-injection process.

The Florida Department of Corrections is refusing to release the documents, arguing that the information is exempt under the Sunshine State's broad open-records law.

Corrections officials released some of the records to the media, but have refused to provide any of the information to the plaintiffs in the Arizona case, according to documents filed by the Arizona plaintiffs Monday in federal court.

Lawyers for seven Death Row inmates and the First Amendment Coalition of Arizona in June filed a subpoena seeking years of records related to Florida's triple-drug lethal injection protocol, including the types of drugs purchased, the strengths and amounts of the drugs, the expiration dates of the drugs and the names of suppliers.

Arizona's death penalty has been on hold for 2 years following the botched 2014 execution of inmate Joseph Wood, who died nearly 2 hours after the lethal-injection procedure was started.

Before the Florida Department of Corrections filed a motion to quash the subpoena in July, the Arizona lawyers offered to limit the scope of their records request and to keep the documents off-limits to the public.

But after the sides met on July 19, the Florida corrections agency "reiterated that it does 'not intend to produce any information pursuant to the subpoena without court order,'" lawyer Joshua Anderson, who represents the Arizona plaintiffs, wrote in a 15-page objection to the state's motion to quash the subpoena.

The Arizona lawyers sought similar records from at least 3 other states - Georgia, Missouri and Texas - that have provided the information, according to the court filing.

The Arizona death-penalty challenge is focused on whether the use of midazolam, the first step in a three-drug lethal-injection cocktail, violates Eighth Amendment protections from cruel or unusual punishment. The U.S. Supreme Court has held that, in those types of cases, prisoners must provide an available alternative to the method of execution being challenged. Gathering the information from the other states is a "core component" to the inmates' claim that Arizona's lethal-injection process is unconstitutional, their lawyers argued.

"If the judicial system were to, on the one hand, require plaintiffs bringing a method of execution claim to prove that a known alternative exists and is available while, on the other hand, blocking discovery necessary to prove that fact, it would create a burden that is effectively impossible to satisfy," Anderson wrote.

Defendants in the Arizona case claim that the case is moot because Arizona corrections officials do not have midazolam and cannot obtain more.

Pfizer, which manufactures midazolam, in March announced that it would not distribute the drugs for use in capital punishment.

Finding out how other states have handled the midazolam shortage is "directly relevant to rebutting" the Arizona defendants' claim that they cannot acquire more of the drug, Anderson wrote.

A bitterly divided U.S. Supreme Court last year signed off on the use of midazolam for executions, ruling that lawyers for Oklahoma prisoners failed to prove that the use of the drug "entails a substantial risk of severe pain." The Oklahoma prisoners had argued that the drug does not effectively sedate inmates during the execution process.

Florida and other states began using midazolam as the first step in a three-drug execution cocktail in 2013, after previously using a drug called pentobarbital sodium. The states switched because Danish-based manufacturer Lundbeck refused to sell pentobarbital sodium directly to corrections agencies for use in executions and ordered its distributors to also stop supplying the drug for lethal-injection purposes.

In the Arizona case, Florida officials argued that the requested documents are privileged and protected from disclosure under Florida law.

But the state law "protects only the identity of FDC's (Florida Department of Corrections') supplier of execution drugs," Anderson wrote. "It does not shield all information related to FDC's lethal injection supplies, nor does it protect the identity of any entity who has declined to work with FDC or has refused to provide it with execution drugs."

The battle over the records comes as Florida's death penalty is under intense scrutiny following a U.S. Supreme Court decision in January that found the state's death penalty sentencing system gave too much power to judges, and not juries.

The Florida Supreme Court is poised to deal with the aftermath of that decision, which came in a case known as Hurst v. Florida, as well as a law hurriedly passed this spring to deal with the Hurst ruling. The Florida court indefinitely postponed two executions following the Hurst ruling.

State corrections officials for years have kept shrouded in secrecy information about the lethal-injection drugs, the subject of a separate federal lawsuit in Florida.

But, in late June, the agency released logs to media outlets, including The News Service of Florida, which had requested information about the drugs. The handwritten logs provide limited data about the three drugs, such as the amounts and dates on which the state received the drugs. Information about the expiration of the drugs was incomplete, and agency officials refused to answer questions about the logs.

An analysis of the logs found that the state has enough midazolam for about 13 executions, but it is unclear when the drugs will expire.

The drug logs "fall woefully short of identifying whether the supply that Florida is getting is pure and uncontaminated because we don't know where they're getting it from," Maria DeLiberato, an attorney representing Florida death row inmate Dane Abdool, a plaintiff in the Florida case, said in a telephone interview Wednesday. "That stresses the need, and that's why our litigation is ongoing, for open discovery in these cases so that we can litigate whether or not Florida can carry out an execution that comports with the Eighth Amendment."

(source: Gainesville Sun)

*******************

Jacksonville Faith Leaders Protest 'Overzealous' Use Of Death Penalty


The plea is partly a response to this week's Harvard University study labeling Duval County among a handful of counties nationwide that sentence the majority of criminals to die.

"So, let us lift up our voices and in the name of justice, demand the death penalty be put to death," Unitarian Universalist Church Pastor Phillip Baber said Wednesday on the steps of the Duval County Courthouse.

Baber and dozens of other religious leaders signed a letter to State Attorney Angela Corey's office, calling for the abolition of the death penalty a day after a Harvard University report criticized Corey as "overzealous."

Corey defended her use of the death penalty in a written statement Tuesday, saying she???d never apologize for standing up for victims and their families.

But Darlene Farah, the mother of murdered Shelby Farah, said that's only true if you agree with her.

"I'm fighting for what I feel is right, and as far as these political comments that she's making? Angela Corey made it political when she refused to take his offer," she said.

Farah said she wanted to avoid years of appeals by supporting an attempted plea deal by her daughter's killer, James Rhodes, which would have given him 2 consecutive life sentences plus 20 years, but Corey sought the death penalty instead.

State Attorney Angela Corey and Pastor R.L. Gundy will discuss Fair Punishment Project's death penalty study on "First Coast Connect" Thursday morning.

(source: WJCT news)

********************

Death penalty protesters takes aim at State Attorney


"Regardless of his crime," Catholic Bishop Felipe Estevez told death penalty protesters Wednesday, "he is still is a creation of God."

Estevez joined more than a dozen faith leaders in Jacksonville, calling for an end to the death penalty. The rally came on the heels of a Harvard Law School's Fair Punishment Project study, which found Duval is 1 of just 16 counties in the nation to impose the death penalty more than 5 times over the past 5 years.

It's a trend out of step with the rest of the country, which has seen a 50 % drop in the number of death sentences since 2009.

But Florida continues to punish by death. 4 Florida counties lead the nation, and Duval County ranks 2nd.

Between 2006-2015, Pinellas imposed the death penalty 7 times, Miami-Dade 8 times, Hillsborough 9 times and Duval 29 times.

This study also looked at who is receiving those death sentences. Researchers found that African Americans made up 87 % of those sentenced to death, even though they comprise just 30 % of Duval County's population. And 48 % of those sentenced also had some kind of cognitive impairment or mental illness, according to the study.

That fact was highlighted by Minister Philip Baber. "Execution is meant to be reserved only for the worst of the worst," he said. "But this report shows in Duval County, it is being used against weakest of the weak."

The report is critical of State Attorney Angela Corey - and also very critical of Public Defender Matt Shirk's office, which it says has done a poor job defending clients charged with the death penalty.

But the meat of the report is the numbers, which make clear that Duval County is different, ranking 2nd in the nation for the sheer amount of death penalty sentences it hands down.

Speaking outside the Duval County Courthouse, the Rev. Susan Rodgers said those figures don't translate to a safer society. "We now know very little is gained through the application of the death penalty other than raising the status of overzealous prosecutors."

The report comes at a bad time for Corey, who is in the final days of a fierce reelection battle. Corey hints that the timing is no accident. "I would love an answer from the author of this report as to why they chose to leave the other 3 Florida counties out for a later report. I'm certain it has nothing to do with the fact that I'm up for election next Tuesday."

Part II of the report is due in September.

Corey also says report is filled with inaccuracies and unfair comparisons -- like the figure that compares African-Americans sentenced to death with the overall county population. "Which is amazingly unscientific," says Corey. "The comparison should be to the group of people eligible for death penalties, and then the percentages would be more accurate and more informative."

The report isn't the only criticism Corey faces. Darlene Farah - also at Wednesdays' protest -- is the focus of an New York Times Magazine story. For months, Farah has been asking prosecutors to drop the death penalty against her Daughter Shelby's killer, a position she says prosecutors have punished her for.

Corey addressed the issue in an interview on News 1045 WOKV's morning show. "We give [victims'] feelings great weight, and we have done that with the very vocal Darlene Farah," Corey said, "who appears to be more interested in publicity than in grieving for her daughter."

Farah's Pastor Reginald Gundy, who has led similar protests in the past, says whether it's the Harvard Law study or Farah's case, the national focus on Duval County is welcome - and overdue.

"The death penalty is dying in this country, and its time for us to let the death penalty die with it."

(source: firstcoastnews.com)

***********************

Jacksonville clergy members call for death penalty to end


A coalition of more than 50 local clergy members called Wednesday for the end of the death penalty in light of a new Harvard University study that shows Duval County is among a handful of U.S. counties that most frequently send convicted criminals to their deaths.

Darlene Farah, who has called for her daughter's killer to serve a life sentence instead of being executed, stood among the clergy in front of the Duval County Courthouse.

A New York Times Magazine story highlighting the Harvard study featured Farah and her clashes with State Attorney Angela Corey was also released Tuesday.

The Rev. Susan Rogers of The Well at Springfield explained how families who oppose the death penalty, like Farah, are marginalized.

"They are told that they are not victims. Families are victims. They are the ones left behind to deal with the shattered pieces of their broken lives," Rogers said. "There is no closure as promised, either, when a loved one's murderer is put to death."

Farah did not speak at the press conference, but afterward she told reporters her stance is not political. She wants prosecutors to do what is right.

Rogers said her faith compels her to take a stand against the death penalty and its racial and socioeconomic disparities.

"We now know but have chosen for too long not to see that murdering those who murder is not healing anyone for anything," she said. "In particular, it is not healing the deep pain and suffering that is experienced by families of murdered loved ones."

Pastor Reginald Gundy of Mt. Sinai Missionary Baptist Church focused on the racial disparity seen in the application of the death penalty. Since 2010, 87 % of those sentenced to death in Duval County were people of color, according to the report.

"And now here in Duval County, we have empirical evidence that racial bias is being used as it relates to the death penalty," Gundy said, before quoting Supreme Court justices. "It's just not true that we execute the people who are the most culpable."

Bishop Felipe Estevez of the Catholic Diocese of St. Augustine said all human life is sacred. About 1/2 of the clergy who signed a letter to be delivered to the State Attorney's Office are affiliated with the Catholic Church.

"That is our position," he said. "Safety for the city, safety and protection of the individual, that regardless of his crimes, still is a creature of God, still has a dignity."

(source: jacksonville.com)






ALABAMA:

Study: Mobile, Jefferson counties 'outliers' with death penalty


2 Alabama counties are among 16 "outlier" counties across the nation that are plagued by problems of overzealous prosecutors, ineffective defense lawyers, or racial bias when it comes to the prosecution and imposition of the death penalty in capital murder cases, a report issued Tuesday by a Harvard Law School project states.

This week's report focuses on 8 of those counties, including Mobile. The 2nd half of the report, which will provide details on Jefferson County, is to be released in September.

Mobile County District Attorney Ashley Rich disagreed with several of the findings in the report "Too Broken to Fix: An In-depth Look at America's Outlier Death Penalty Counties" issued by Harvard Law's Fair Punishment Project.

Rich said she hadn't been able to read the entire report or the material it references. From the portion of the report she did review, she said she found misstatements, untrue statements, and some statements that were unclear as to what case the report is referencing.

One problem Rich said she saw was that the cases mentioned in the report don't mention what happened to the victims.

"They never reported what the defendants did," Rich said. "They didn't want to bring that up. They didn't want people to know what horrible, heinous things the defendants did."

The report looked at 10 years of court opinions and records from 8 of these 16 "outlier counties: Mobile, Caddo Parish, La., Clark, NV, Duval, Fla., Harris, Texas, Maricopa Ariz., Kern, Calif., and Riverside, Calif. The report also analyzed all of the new death sentences handed down in the counties between 2010 and 2015.

Of the 3,143 county or county equivalents in the United States, only 16 imposed 5 or more death sentences between 2010 and 2015, according to a statement from the authors of the report. The project reviewed more than 200 direct appeals opinions handed down over the decade between 2006 and 2015 in the 8 counties reviewed in Tuesday's report.

"In the small number of counties where the death penalty still exists, we found evidence of egregiously bad defense lawyering, rampant prosecutorial misconduct and overzealousness, and a pattern of racial bias that undermines the fairness of the death penalty," Rob Smith, one of the report's researchers, stated in the project's press statement.

Among the Mobile cases noted in the report is one in which Rich got a death sentence for a bipolar woman - Heather Leavell-Keaton - who was convicted in the killings of her stepchildren. "Throughout the trial, Rich kept 2 faceless sculptures with her in the courtroom facing the jury," the report states.

"That's simply not true," Rich said of the sculptures. The sculptures were only present in the courtroom when the judge issued his final judgment that Leavell-Keaton be sentenced to death - not during trial or during the sentencing hearing before the jury, which recommended 11-1 for the death penalty, she said.

The jury had all the evidence in the case, including her bipolar history, when it recommended the death penalty, Rich said. The woman tortured a baby, slowly poisoned the children and watched as the co-defendant strangled them, she said. Alabama law allows the conviction and death penalty for someone who is bipolar, Rich said. "But they don't talk about that," she said of the report.

Other findings

Among the other findings from the report regarding Mobile:

--Between 2006 and 2015 Mobile County had 10 death sentences reviewed on direct appeal (these are automatic appeals).

--Between 2010 and 2015 there were 8 death sentences imposed.

--In 2014 the Alabama Court of Criminal Appeals reversed the death sentence of an intellectually impaired man, Derrick Shawn Penn, after Rich introduced and repeatedly referred to "improper and highly inflammatory evidence." Rich said the appeals court did not use those words. An Associated Press article stated that Penn was found guilty in the shooting deaths of his estranged wife, Janet Penn, and her boyfriend, Demetrius Powe, in 2009. The appeals court, according to the AP story, stated the trial judge did not give the jury proper instructions about how it should consider a protection from abuse petition that Penn had filed before she was killed.

--Rich and prosecutor Jo Beth Murphee account for nine of the 10 Mobile County death sentences in the study. Rich said other prosecutors also were involved in those cases and that she and Murphee were the senior trial attorneys so they would naturally get more capital cases.

--70% of the 10 appellate cases involved defendants with significant mental impairments or other forms of mitigation.

--Bad lawyering was a persistent problem across all 16 "outlier" counties. In most of the counties, the average mitigation presentation, where defense lawyers present evidence that the defendant's life should be spared, at the penalty phase of the trial lasted approximately 1 day. "While this is just one data point for determining the quality of legal representation, this finding reveals appalling inadequacies. The average in Mobile was less than 1 day," according to a statement from the project.

The report also stated that Mobile County has had a history of racial bias and exclusion - noting the 1981 lynching of Michael Donald by members of the Ku Klux Klan, a judge who allegedly refused bail reduction until he first learned the client's color; and findings that in the late 1980s and early 1990s Mobile County were found to have violated rules 7 times by striking jurors based on race.

The most recent case the study noted involving claims of juror exclusion - in which prosecutors struck 17 blacks from the jury pool - based on race was that of Donald Whatley, who was convicted in November and recommended by a jury to die for the 2003 slaying of downtown Mobile motel owner Pete Patel. The Alabama Court of Criminal Appeals ultimately ruled the prosecution did not exclude jurors based on race in that case, Rich said.

"In looking at these outlier counties, it is very clear that race is still playing a role in determining who is sentenced to die," Professor Frank Baumgartner of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, stated in the Project's press statement.

Rich said she had only seen a portion of the report and felt she didn't have time to rebut everything. She also said she wanted to see the spreadsheet the project referenced in its report. She said she had requested that the group send it to her.

Non-unanimous verdicts

While this week's report doesn't include Jefferson County, The New York Times Magazine in a story on Tuesday cited figures it received from the Fair Punishment Project that Jefferson County had five death sentences handed down since 2010 - all of them involving black defendants.

The report points out that Florida and Alabama were "outliers" because those states are the only ones to allow juries to recommend the death penalty on non-unanimous votes.

The New York Times, in its story, stated that of the 13 total death penalty sentences issued in Jefferson and Mobile Counties, only 1 case included a unanimous jury recommendation.

Jefferson County District Attorney Brandon Falls declined to comment on this week's study.

(source: al.com)

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