April 23


INDIA:



Amid belligerent demands for capital punishment for rapists, on Sunday the President signed an ordinance that introduces the death penalty for those convicted of raping girls below the age of 12. But this clamour for introducing the most stringent punishment has conveniently sidestepped the more cogent criticism of the systemic failures in addressing increasing sexual violence against women and children.

For those looking at it from the point of view of rape survivors and their bitter experiences with the criminal justice system, capital punishment for rape is the easiest and most convenient demand to raise, yet the most harmful one also for rape survivors. The women's movement has laid emphasis on the need for the person raped to survive the assault, and in turn be enabled to book the perpetrators.

There are numerous instances of the perpetrators killing their victims, so stringent anti-rape laws are perceived not to be deterrents but measures that further instigate rapists to attack the victims. In fact, the assumption that the severity of law is an adequate deterrent to crime being committed is a highly contested one, given that brutal rapes in India have not decreased despite enforcement of the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013 - a piece of legislation which prescribes the death penalty and life imprisonment for sexual assaults that result in death or the victim being reduced to a persistent vegetative state.

Patriarchal undercurrent

Women's movements across the world have consistently criticised knee-jerk, populist "solutions" to curbing sexual violence that in a highly patriarchal vein overemphasise the sexual aspect of the assault and reinforce the stigma attached to rape. Such "solutions" are seen as undermining the need to address the essential question of the rehabilitation of rape survivors, as well as the question of the complicit role played by state agencies in denying justice to survivors. This critique of capital punishment for rape stems from a concrete assessment of shoddy police investigations, low conviction rates, the overall tendency of hesitation within the judiciary in awarding severe punishment, and the capacity of stringent anti-rape legislation to enhance the propensity of rapists to murder their victims.

The epidemic proportions that child rapes and sexual assaults on women are taking in India necessitates discussion on the entire process: from the initial moment complaints reach police stations to the moment of conviction, but more often, acquittal of sexual offenders.

It is well known that right from the moment the criminal justice system is supposed to kick in, there is unwarranted delay by the police in filing missing person complaints and registering written complaints of sexual assault survivors. The reason for such police inaction is a debate within itself, but often enough, such inaction is connected to prevailing biases of class, caste, religion and gender. What is important to note is that a delay in police investigation amounts to an obstruction of justice since it allows the perpetrators to destroy crucial evidence and cover their tracks by influencing witnesses, and, sometimes, even the survivor.

The huge difficulty rape survivors face in police stations and hospitals where medical examinations are carried out is another pertinent issue which is continually sidestepped. Such harassment tends to come under the spotlight only in extreme cases, such as the one where a child, after being sexually assaulted and left bleeding, was kept waiting for hours at a civil hospital in Gurugram in March this year.

Further, insensitive methods of police investigation, tardy filing of charge sheets, delayed forensic reports, insensitive counselling, uneven disbursement of compensation to rape survivors, aggressive cross-examination of the survivor and her witnesses by defence lawyers, inadequate witness protection, and cumbersome court proceedings have together disempowered rape complainants. No amount of retributive justice can enable rape survivors, especially children who grapple with understanding their experience of hurt, to move on in life if the day-to-day pursuit of justice is an uphill and disempowering process in itself.

Low conviction rate

Instead of harping on the quantum and severity of punishment, we have to highlight the issue of a low conviction rate for rape. The dismal conviction rate for rape in India is a consequence of complicity of state agencies. It is precisely this which contributes to the culpability of rapists and nurtures the growing impunity with which sexual crimes are committed. This is a reality well captured in National Crime Records Bureau data that show high figures of repeat sexual offenders.

What will work For the wheels of justice to start turning, it is essential to recognise that the crisis lies in the precise manner in which the existing criminal justice system unfolds. India???s growing rape culture is best reversed by enhancing conviction rates through reforms in the police and judicial systems, and by augmenting measures to rehabilitate and empower rape survivors. We require nothing short of the following: greater allocation of state resources towards the setting up of fast-track courts; more one-stop crisis centres; proper witness protection; more expansive compensation for rape survivors, and an overhaul of existing child protection services. Until these issues are addressed, little will change on the ground.

(source: Maya John, an Assistant Professor at Jesus and Mary College, New Delhi, is a women's rights activist----The Hindu)

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Child rape case: Why death penalty is not the right step



This newspaper is opposed to the death penalty in principle. But there are other reasons to disapprove of the proposed amendment to the Indian Penal Code to award death penalty to those who rape children. One is that the death penalty might well inhibit reporting of the crime, when the rapist is a close relative or otherwise well known to the family of the victim, as is the case in 94% of reported rape cases. Obversely, it makes it all the more likely that the rapist would kill the victim after the crime - the penalty cannot go up and the chance of being identified as the perpetrator comes down. The more serious objection, however, is that such elevation of the penalty and prescribing tighter norms for bail and faster prosecution serve as tokens of official commitment to preventing rape while diverting attention from what really needs to be done.

Strengthening the capacity of the police force to investigate crimes and prosecute the guilty is one of those complex challenges that get neglected. Police reform to prevent political interference in investigation of crimes and the conduct of enforcing the law is key to making any law work in India, including in the case of rape. An MLA accused of rape can roam free, even as the victim's father can be picked up by the police and beaten up. Training policemen in crime detection, creating trust between the community and the police, so that information flows to the police, instead of being tortured out of the mouths of select witnesses, bringing in overall professionalism in police work - such things make a difference but do not get recognition as political sensitivity to rape. The good work being done to empower women and change social attitudes on gender must be redoubled. For, differential power relations underpin rape.

(source: Editorial, The Economic Times)

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Death penalty for child rapists: This populist move will only cause India's children more harm----With its ordinance, the government hopes to silence the protests that followed the Kathua and Unnao cases.

In one stroke, the government hopes to silence the protests that followed the murder and alleged rape of an 8-year-old girl from the nomadic Muslim Bakerwal community in Kathua, in Hindu-dominated Jammu, in January. The crime had shocked the conscience of ordinary people across the country. It was committed to instil fear in the Bakerwal community and drive them out of the region, the police said. The accused men had the support of lawyers from the district bar, who had tried to physically prevent the police from filing the chargesheet. The Supreme Court, which is seized of the matter, has issued a notice to the bar association.

The protests coincided with allegations made by a 17-year-old Dalit girl in Unnao, Uttar Pradesh, in April that Bharatiya Janata Party MLA Kuldeep Sengar had raped her last year. She also accused him of assaulting her father, who died from injuries this month. The incident came into public view only when the girl attempted to commit suicide outside the home of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Adityanath. Until then, the police had refused to investigate her allegations because the man she had accused is a sitting MLA.

Both incidents involved supporters of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. In addition, the Kathua incident had communal undertones. Hence, the prime minister initially maintained a stony silence. It was left to Minister for Women and Child Development Maneka Gandhi to attempt some damage control. Projecting the incidents merely as gender crimes, she announced that the government would introduce the death penalty for those convicted of raping children under 12 years of age. This helped douse the anger of some protestors.

Finally, when the prime minister did break his silence and issued a statement, his comments were very general: "the latest incidents have brought shame to our country", he said, adding that "our daughters will definitely get justice". "Justice" to victims automatically gets converted to "stringent punishment" to the accused. So, the ordinance promulgated on Saturday prescribes a minimum of 20 years in prison for the rape of a minor while the maximum is the death penalty.

Not in the child's interest

With one stroke, the prime minister has silenced his critics. Now no one can blame him for being a silent spectator while an epidemic of rapes spreads across Surat, Indore, Delhi, Mumbai, almost every Indian city. Anyone who opposes the ordinance can be labelled as someone who supports rapists. This move is in line with other similar, drastic measures: demonetisation to curb black money, surgical strikes across the Line of Control against attacks and ceasefire violations by Pakistan, and the criminalisation of triple talaq.

A time limit of 2 months has been set for completing a rape trial and of 6 months to dispose of all appeals. In view of our overburdened courts, this is unrealistic to say the least. Even in the 2012 Nirbhaya gangrape-murder in Delhi and the 2013 Shakti Mills rape in Mumbai, which were marked as priority cases, the trial had gone on for several months. Where will these "dedicated courts" to try offences against children come from?

These are secondary concerns. The more basic concern is, will this move help child victims or will it drive them into a shell and reverse the increase in reporting of crimes against children that we have witnessed in the last 3 years? This reckless but populist move will cause more harm to children as it does not place their interests at the centre of remedial measures.

Rapes within the family

The gruesome Kathua case - the chargesheet says the 8-year-old was drugged, starved, gangraped and then strangled - is not the norm. Most child abuse takes place within our homes and neighbourhoods. Rather than acting as a deterrent to offenders, the death penalty provision may stop a child from reporting her father to the police, knowing that he may be hanged. Besides, a child under 12 does not walk into a police station on her own, she has to be brought there by a family member. This will happen only in cases where the rapist is a stranger.

While the affluent and powerful know how to escape the noose, it is the poor and marginalised, represented by ill-equipped legal aid lawyers, who will be caught in this net.

Those clamouring for the death penalty fail to acknowledge that the courts are already empowered to award it in rape and murder cases that fall within the "rarest of rare" category. In the Nirbhaya case, for instance, the convicts were awarded the death penalty under provisions of the Indian Penal Code that existed at the time and not under the amended and more stringent statute that came later.

Several studies have highlighted that the death penalty is not a deterrent against any crime. It is the certainty of punishment and not the severity that is the real deterrent. The conviction rate in rape cases continues to be abysmally low even after the introduction of stringent punishment under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012.

According to research by my advocacy group Majlis as part of our Rahat support programme for child survivors of sexual assault, the accused is known to the victim in 91% of cases. He is a stranger in only 9% of cases. In addition, rape by fathers or stepfathers constitutes 46% of all rapes within the family and 7.2% of all rapes, which is nearly as much as rape by strangers. The National Crime Records Bureau???s latest report says 95% of rapes are committed by persons known to the victim.

The proximity of the abuser to the victim makes the task of reporting the crime arduous and traumatic. Even after making an official complaint, pressure is exerted to retract. Financial constraints and social stigma often result in the victim turning hostile in court. No one bothers to pierce the veneer and understand her vulnerabilities and constraints. Each rape pushes the victim several notches down the social ladder.

Not a lasting solution

The main problem with the ordinance is that it does not place the victim at the centre of the discourse, and the archaic remedy of the death penalty as a panacea for all evils. No social audit has been conducted of how the 1-stop centres for rape victims - which offer integrated services such as police assistance, legal aid, medical and counselling services, and were set up after the Nirbhaya case - are functioning. Instead, there is an assumption that if every district has one such centre, it will provide the necessary support to rape victims. Our shelters across the country are also in the doldrums. In many places, Child Welfare Committees do not even function.

Victim support is a challenging and tedious task. Only a government that does not want to invest in lasting solutions will prescribe the death penalty as a "quickie solution' to the grave problem staring us in the face.

(source: Flavia Agnes is a women's rights lawyer; scroll.in)

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'Are 14-16 Year Old Girls Not Kids': Kamal Haasan on Death Penalty for Rape



Actor-politician Kamal Haasan on Sunday wondered why the ordinance promulgated today provided for the death penalty for rape of girls under 12 years alone and not for those aged between 14 and 16 and said families should bring up boys to act responsibly.

"Why is the death penalty only for rape of girls aged under 12...What about 14, 15, and 16-year-olds, are they not children too? It will take time for them too (14-16 year-olds) to blossom as women. I do not know how to view it," he said. The Makkal Needhi Maiam chief was addressing his party workers and supporters through YouTube.

Answering a question on crimes against women and children and the rules he would bring in if his party was voted to power, Haasan said "rules can be formulated... even now death penalty has been prescribed." Haasan had made known his views against the death penalty before he entered politics.

The MNM chief said the important thing was for families to change their mindset in the way they brought up boys. "Just like we teach the values of chastity and honesty to girls, boys too must be brought up responsibly by families.??? Sadly, this was not being done and boys were pampered and allowed to do what they wanted, 'just because he is a male', the actor said.

No government rule was needed to implement this, he said. President Ram Nath Kovind on Sunday promulgated the criminal law amendment ordinance, paving the way for providing stringent punishment, including "death" penalty, for those convicted of raping girls below the age of 12 years.

The actor turned politician said he had given deep thought as to why he should get into politics when leaders he respected like Mahatma Gandhi and reformist leader Periyar had stayed away from it. "All along I was keeping quiet thinking I could toe a similar line. Had such leaders been alive today, there would have been a necessity for them to take part in electoral politics," he said.

Haasan said it was not a spur of the moment decision for him to join politics. It was a thought process lasting many years. There was also some confusion in arriving at a decision but he overcame it, he said. The MNM chief said he had a "guilty" feeling as he wondered if politics was pushed to a bad phase due to "carelessness" of the general public and the media in monitoring the government and questioning it.

Haasan alleged that there was an arrogance among those in power and hence they were disinclined to answer people's questions. Such factors steadily pushed him towards getting into politics. He replied in the negative when asked whether he ever regretted entering politics.

To a question, the actor said his brand of politics would be driven by people's welfare and he did not hanker for power. To another question, he said "you decide what I should be... whether the Chief Minister or Leader of Opposition." On eradicating caste, Haasan said it was a 'disease' and it should be eradicated.

Caste-based discrimination was a reason for poverty. Caste could not be eradicated immediately he said and called for change from a personal level to facilitate it. Stating that 'gram swarajya' was a possibility, he said his party has adopted already a village and more will be done. He told his cadres to deal firmly and properly if political parties put obstacles during their welfare work. "Those who pose obstacles for service to the people are anti-nationals, they should be dealt properly but without violence," he said.

(source: news18.com)

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Death penalty no deterrent: 4 rape cases reported in UP in a single day despite new stringent laws----The Union Cabinet on Friday approved an ordinance to allow courts to award the death penalty to those convicted of raping children up to 12 years of age.The President of India gave his go ahead to the same on Sunday.



Even as President Ram Nath Kovind gave his go ahead to the ordinance paving way for providing stringent punishment, including death penalty, for those convicted of raping girls below the age of 12 years, 4 complaints of sexual assault were registered in Uttar Pradesh, of which 3 cases involved minor victims.

In Rampur, a 7-year-old girl was allegedly raped in a forested area about 30 km from the district headquarters. The incident took place on Saturday.

The minor's father told police that his daughter had gone to fetch some water when a man abducted her and sexually assaulted her in a secluded area.

The man, who fled the spot leaving the girl unconscious, was later nabbed by the police.

"The girl was playing outside her house at around 10 am. Her parents, who are farmers, and elder siblings, were at the farm when the youth, Sirasat (19), lured her to a nearby farm and sexually assaulted her. He fled and the girl came back home and informed her parents. The police were called and within 2 hours, the accused was arrested with the help of some villagers," said Rampur SP Vipin Tada.

A 15-year-old girl was allegedly sexually assaulted by a man when she was alone at her house in Rohana Kalan village here, the police said today.

The accused was caught and handed over to the police when the victim raised an alarm, Circle Officer Harish Bhadoriya said.

According to a complaint filed by the victim's father, Johny (22) barged into their house last night and sexually assaulted his daughter.

The accused has been charged under the POCSO Act and relevant sections of the IPC, the police added.

In yet another case of minor being sexually assaulted, an 11-year-old girl was allegedly raped by her uncle in Vishnugarh area of Kannauj.

The girl was reportedly alone at home when the incident too place.

When her father returned, he saw his daughter in a bad condition. On learning that his brother had allegedly sexually assaulted her daughter, he went to the police station to file an FIR.

Superintendent of Police (SP) Kannauj, Keshav Chandra Goswami told ANI that a search operation was launched to nab the accused.

A minor was allegedly gangraped by 3 men in Moradabad, and a video of the whole incident was filmed.

The minor told the police that when she used to go to the fields, the three men used to harass her constantly. She was reportedly alone at home and was doing household chores when the trio barged into her house and allegedly sexually assaulted her.

Superintendent of Police (SP), Civil Lines, Aparna Gupta said that the police launched a search operation against the culprits and efforts were on to delete the video that became viral on social media.

Child rights activists oppose death penalty for rape of minors

Even as a number of leaders have advocated death penalty for rape of girls aged below 12, child rights activists across the country have come out against the government's decision to amend the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act for this purpose.

The Union Cabinet on Friday approved an ordinance to allow courts to award the death penalty to those convicted of raping children up to 12 years of age.The President of India gave his go ahead to the same on Sunday.

"In a country where there is no certainty of conviction, this government wants to bring in more stringent laws. In a country where most rapes are perpetrated by family members, invoking death penalty will only increase the chances of acquittal.

"Most of the cases will not be reported. There is a reason why the death penalty for child rape exists in only about 13 countries or so, most of them Islamic," said Bharti Ali of HAQ centre for child rights.

According to the data of the National Crime Records Bureau, 95 % of the rapes are committed by family members. The conviction rate in cases of rapes of women is around 24 %. It is 20 % under the POCSO Act.

"I believe that the only deterrent in rape cases is conviction in not more than 90 days. Worldwide we have seen that, more than strict punishment, it is speedy justice that works as a deterrent.

"I fear that with the death penalty, most people will not report child rapes, as in most cases the accused are family members. The conviction rate will come down further," Vinod Tikoo, a former member of the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights, said.

According to a recent study by Kailash Satyarthi Children's Foundation, it would take the courts 2 decades to clear the backlog of cases related to child sex abuse.

Activists say the government should focus more on strengthening the existing laws, ensuring safety of victims and witnesses, speedy trials, and awareness generation.

(source: indiatvnews.com)








SOUTH KOREA:

Prosecutors seek death penalty for motel arsonist



Prosecutors on Monday sought the death penalty for a middle-aged man accused of setting fire to a motel in Jongno-gu, Seoul, in January, killing seven people and injuring 3.

The alleged arsonist, 53, surnamed Yoo, pled guilty to the crime and begged for mercy.

At a trial hearing in Seoul Central District Court, the prosecution asked the judge for capital punishment, saying his crime was "prepared with intention to kill people."

The suspect claimed the crime took place when he was "drunk" so he "couldn't make a right judgment" at that time.

"All the evidence and testimonies show the accused, who was sober, poured gasoline on the floor (of the motel), set it on fire and checked if the fire was catching before leaving the building," the prosecutor said. "It doesn't make sense that he committed the crime while he was drunk."

Court documents say Yoo committed the crime at 3 a.m. on Jan. 20 after a motel manager rejected his call to send a call-girl to his room. In a fit of anger, he poured 10 liters of gasoline he bought at a nearby gas station and set it alight.

The ruling trial is scheduled for May 4 at 10:10 a.m.

(source: The Korea Times)








PAKISTAN:

Supreme Court expected to hear Asia Bibi's appeal against capital punishment



Chief Justice of Pakistan, Justice Mian Saqib Nisar has announced that the apex court will soon hear the appeal case of blasphemy convicted Christian woman Asia Bibi. In this regard, Chief Justice stated that a date for case hearing will be announced soon.

Blasphemy case against Asia Bibi

On Saturday, April 21 Chief Justice of Pakistan Justice Mian Saqib Nisar has confirmed that a new hearing date for Asia Bibi's appeal case against capital punishment. At the same time, Justice Saqiz Nisar also issued directives for full security provisions for Asia Bibi.

In 2009, Pakistani Christian woman Asia Bibi was accused of committing blasphemy by her co-workers. Later, in 2010, a court in district Nankana awarded her capital punishment, which was later challenged by her defense counsel. The decision was upheld by a 2-member bench of Lahore High Court in 2014. Her appeal case is currently pending with the Supreme Court of Pakistan.

Asia Bibi, an internationally known Christian victim of false blasphemy charges is languishing in the Pakistani prison for almost nine years. In her early session court hearings, she denied blasphemy accusations. But the court was pressurized by local as well as national religious forces; as a result, session judge of Sheikhupura Courts, Muhammad Naveed Iqbal, handed capital punishment to her.

Her capital punishment was challenged in the Lahore High Court in 2014 which not only left her in despair but additionally High Court's stay order against presidential pardon made her acquittal chances very slim. Her further appeal is pending in the Supreme Court of Pakistan.

In October 2016, Supreme Court judges called off the trial of Asia Bibi to a date yet to be determined. A Supreme Court bench consisting of three members and led by Justice Mian Saqib Nisar, decided to adjourn the court after 1 of the judges of the bench decided to quit the bench. Justice Iqbal Hameed-ur-Rehman retired from the case maintaining that he had also been part of the bench hearing the case of Salman Taseer's murder. In 2017, the apex court had declined a petition seeking early hearing for Asia Bibi's appeal case.

(source: christiansin pakistan.com)
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