October 19



IDAHO:

Man to Face Death Penalty in Birthday Party Stabbing Rampage----Prosecutors say a man suspected of going on a stabbing rampage at a children's party, killing a little girl celebrating her 3rd birthday and wounding 8 others in Idaho, will face the death penalty.



A man suspected of going on a stabbing rampage at a children's party, killing a little girl celebrating her 3rd birthday and wounding 8 others, will face the death penalty, prosecutors in Idaho said Thursday.

Timmy Kinner, a homeless man who had been asked to leave a Boise apartment complex the day before, returned the following day and began attacking children and others at the outdoor birthday party, police said. A judge this summer entered not guilty pleas on his behalf to 1 count of 1st-degree murder and 8 counts of aggravated battery in connection with the June 30 attack.

"After careful consideration, we have concluded that pursuing the death penalty is appropriate in this case," Ada County Prosecutor Jan Bennetts said in a statement.

The Ada County Public Defender's Office, which is representing Kinner, declined to comment.

Police have said Kinner didn't know any of the victims, who were all refugees from Ethiopia, Syria and Iraq. Police have said the attack does not appear to be a hate crime.

Kinner, 30, has refused to meet with a psychologist to evaluate his health.

Ruya Kadir was at her 3rd birthday party - complete with a pink doll-shaped cake and a Disney princess banner - when police say Kinner, armed with a large knife, attacked. Ruya and 5 other children were badly injured, along with the three adults who tried to protect them.

Some children hid in a closet until police told them it was safe to come out.

Police say Kinner had recently been asked to leave the apartment complex because of bad behavior. He was arrested shortly after the stabbing. Investigators recovered the knife he was believed to have used in a nearby canal.

(source: Associated Press)

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Idaho officials to pursue death penalty against man charged in Boise mass stabbing



The Ada County Prosecutor's Office announced Thursday that it will pursue the death penalty for the man charged in a June mass stabbing that killed a 3-year-old girl and wounded 8 other refugees.

"My office, including 2 senior deputy prosecutors, victim-witness coordinators, an investigator and staff are working closely with the Boise Police Department and their assigned detectives," lead prosecutor Jan Bennetts said in a statement. "After careful consideration, we have concluded that pursuing the death penalty is appropriate in this case. It is important that we preserve the integrity of the case and let the criminal justice process take its course to ensure Mr. Kinner is afforded due process and receives a fair trial."

The prosecutor's office said it would make no additional comments on the decision. Kinner's lead attorney is David Smethers with the Ada County Public Defenders Office. The office on Thursday said it has "no comment" on the decision.

Kinner is set to go to trial Jan. 3. His attorneys have raised concerns over his mental health in recent hearings, asking that he be committed to a state facility for treatment.

(source: idahostatesman.com)








NEVADA:

Scott Dozier Still Wants to Be Executed. And He's Still Waiting.----After forcing Nevada into a legal battle over its lethal injection drugs, an execution "volunteer" says the state is punishing him.



Last week, Nevada death row prisoner Scott Dozier called his family and friends and said they might not be hearing from him for a while. He had been placed, he said, in a form of solitary confinement so his mental health could be assessed, with just a few articles of clothing and an anti-suicide blanket.

Prison officials have not offered an explanation, but Dozier has speculated that they are punishing him for - or trying to get him to halt - his years-long effort to be executed. "I have never heard him sound so defeated," said Edgar Barens, a filmmaker who has regularly corresponded with Dozier.

Dozier's ongoing legal saga, which I wrote about in January, continues to illuminate the ambivalence and political turmoil surrounding the death penalty in the United States. Death row prisoners usually appeal their sentences, and many manage to hold off execution for decades. Many live in solitary confinement with few amenities, but Dozier was given access to an exercise yard, as well as a television, MP3 player and art supplies. Still, he did not feel that life in prison was a life worth living. 2 years ago, he announced that he would give up his appeals and agree to be killed. His request forced Nevada, which had not executed anyone in a decade, to come up with a new lethal injection cocktail and defend it in a number of court battles.

As of now, the state is losing those battles, and it appears Dozier will not be executed anytime soon. In late September, Las Vegas district judge Elizabeth Gonzalez barred officials from using their store of lethal injection drugs, based on opposition from the pharmaceutical companies that produced them. Nevada Attorney General Adam Laxalt is asking the state supreme court to overrule Gonzalez, but if that fails, officials will need to acquire new drugs - no company has offered to sell them - or else develop a new execution method, such as the firing squad.

After 2 previous stays of execution, Dozier was placed on suicide watch for several days. The prison agency said this was a temporary precaution until he could be given a psychological evaluation, but Dozier thought officials might be punishing him. "I can't fucking believe they can treat people like this," he told me by phone in July after the most recent stay. "It feels like they're fucking with me to get me to stop [pushing to be executed]." He wrote letters to the head of the prison agency and a state senator, but to no avail.

This time, family and friends said Dozier had been in good spirits until he was put in these conditions, which he described to Barens as "limbo inside of limbo." In an email sent on Oct. 3 to one of Dozier's lawyers, obtained by The Marshall Project, Ely State Prison warden William Gittere wrote that Dozier's placement was based on a "mental health provider's orders." "He is not on a suicide watch, but has been placed in an infirmary cell to be observed and assessed for the next few days to a week," Gittere wrote. "I cannot comment on the source of information that led to the provider's concern due to an ongoing investigation."

Last Friday, Dozier's family sent a letter to Nevada Department of Corrections director James Dzurenda. "At this point there is little to no information supporting the idea that Mr. Dozier is a risk to himself or others," they wrote. "He has asked to speak with medical staff yet requests were left unanswered, denied, or met with apathy."

In an email, corrections department spokesperson Brooke Santina cited patient privacy in declining to provide details about Dozier's mental health treatment, but said prisoners are only placed in segregation when "we have a reason to believe that there is a threat to their safety or the safety of another." Asked if Dozier was being punished, she responded, "With nearly 14,000 inmates in 18 facilities across the state, it's imperative we follow the law and our policy to ensure each inmate is treated as any other inmate in his or her circumstances would be treated."

"It's more that I'm resigned ... I'm not raging against the dying of the light."

Dozier was sentenced to death in 2007 for killing and dismembering 22-year-old Jeremiah Miller, an associate in the methamphetamine trade. He was separately convicted in Arizona of killing 26-year-old Jasen Greene, and while in an Arizona jail, in 2005, he attempted suicide. He denies both murders, and began appealing his convictions, but in October 2016, he ended his appeals. Some have described his effort to be executed as akin to state-assisted suicide, but Dozier doesn't see it that way. "It's not that I think I deserve the sentence," he told me. "It's more that I'm resigned ... I'm not raging against the dying of the light."

His decision set off a chain reaction. Pharmaceutical companies, most of which have refused to sell drugs for use in lethal injection in recent years, declined to sell them to Nevada. The state announced a new cocktail featuring fentanyl, the opioid better known for causing overdoses across the country, and set an execution date in November 2017. When Dozier let his defense lawyers argue that death by the new drug combination might be painful, and therefore unconstitutional, a judge stayed his execution.

As the months passed, Dozier's frustration - with the state, with his lawyers, with himself - only grew. "I see this as a war right now, a battle, and I feel like sometimes I'm winning, and sometimes I feel like I'm losing," he told me by phone in February. He started wondering if state officials were dragging out the legal process, hoping he would change his mind and save them the hassle of killing him.

But he also maintained his caustic, nihilistic sense of humor. When President Trump said he wanted to give the death penalty to some drug dealers, Dozier said, "They can't even execute me! Get your shit together, people."

"We don't know how long we have with him, when will be the last time we see him, hug him, talk with him, or say our final goodbyes."

After state officials set a new execution date for last July, several drug companies accused them of purposefully obfuscating their intentions while buying their products. When a judge halted the execution, it was a benchmark moment: never before had a drug company stopped an execution in court.

Dozier was visiting with his family - for the last time, he thought - when an officer told them about the stay. "It is heartbreaking and stressful," Dozier's sister Bekki Patzer told me in an email. "I don't know for certain, but I imagine it is similar to someone having a terminally ill family member. We don't know how long we have with him, when will be the last time we see him, hug him, talk with him, or say our final goodbyes."

His family has continued to write letters to the department about Dozier's conditions but have not received a reply. Patzer told me she understands that the prison must take precautions, but does not understand why her brother has been deprived of his personal belongings, along with the ability to exercise in the yard, make calls and receive visitors. "His well-being is my primary concern," she said, "and I don't see how keeping him from those things can do anything but cause a deterioration in his mental and physical well-being."

(source: Maurice Chammah is a staff writer at the Marshall Project----moptherjones.com)








CALIFORNIA:

Nearly a Decade Awaiting Trial, Now Freed----Neko Wilson to be released in the 1st test of California's felony murder law.



In the first test of a newly signed law that significantly narrows California's felony murder rule, a judge today ordered the immediate release of a man who has spent nearly a decade awaiting trial in double murder.

Neko Wilson, now 36, had initially faced the death penalty in connection with the July 2009 murders of Gary and Sandra DeBartolo, a couple killed during a robbery at their home in California's Central Valley. Prosecutors had accused Wilson of helping plan the robbery, not of killing the couple. He initially faced the death penalty under a legal doctrine known as the felony murder rule, which holds that anyone involved in certain types of serious felonies that result in death can be held as liable as the actual killer.

But a new law signed by Gov. Jerry Brown in September significantly narrowed that doctrine and prompted prosecutors to drop the murder charges against Wilson.

"It's overwhelming," said Jacque Wilson, who is Neko Wilson's brother and his lawyer, as he stood outside the courtroom immediately after hearing Judge John F. Vogt's decision. "You go from being someone the state wanted to kill, to someone who's coming home."

In court, Neko Wilson agreed to a plea deal on robbery charges, as well as charges in unrelated cases. The total sentence for those charges added up to nine years, the amount of time he’s already been jailed awaiting trial.

The prosecutor, William Lacy, senior deputy district attorney in Fresno, said the new law had left prosecutors little choice. "It's a new world we live in," Lacy said. "It certainly means that people who were charged with murder previously won't be charged."

Lacy told reporters that he "absolutely" believed the new law would have a negative impact on public safety in California.

The felony murder doctrine has long been controversial. Many prosecutors say that it is critical to be able to hold people accountable for deaths that happen during serious crimes. Defense lawyers say that it often sweeps up people who had no intention of killing anyone, like getaway drivers and lookouts.

Earlier this year, State Senator Nancy Skinner introduced legislation to narrow the state's felony murder doctrine, a measure called SB 1437, in part, she said, because felony murder cases disproportionately affect women and young black and Latino men.

Advocates for the legislation say that hundreds of cases could be affected by the law.

The bill faced opposition from many law enforcement groups, including the California District Attorneys Association and the California Police Chiefs Association, and victims’ groups, such as Crime Victims United. These groups voiced concerns that it would harm public safety and could force the re-examination of hundreds of murder cases.

With the new law, California joins a growing number of states in abolishing or severely narrowing felony murder. Over the decades, legislatures in Hawaii and Kentucky have abolished the rule, and, last fall, Massachusetts joined Michigan in ending it through the courts.

The case has been a long, complicated legal battle.

In July 2009, Gary and Sandra DeBartolo were found dead in their Central Valley home, their throats slashed.

Prosecutors arrested 6 people in connection with the killings, including Neko Wilson, who they say had helped craft a plan to steal high-grade marijuana from the couple's home. Prosecutors alleged that Wilson sat in a vehicle nearby as others went into the house to rob the couple. The DeBartolos were killed during the robbery.

Court records show that Jose Reyes, Chris Bernard Butler and Andrew Jones have accepted plea deals in the case. A jury convicted another co-defendant, Dawn Singh, who was sentenced to life in prison without parole in the killings. Prosecutors accused Singh of driving the getaway car. Another co-defendant, Leroy Johnson, is still awaiting trial and could face the death penalty if convicted.

"Obviously, this whole case is a tragedy," Jacque Wilson said outside the courtroom after the hearing. As he talked about his brother, he grew quiet. His jaw tightened, and he began to cry. "But 2 wrongs don't make a right. I believe that justice was done."

Nearby, Wilson's father, 82-year-old Mack Wilson, beamed.

"It's one of the happiest days of my life," he said. "I thought I'd never see him or touch him again."

Mack Wilson said he hoped Neko Wilson would be released quickly so he could make it home for dinner. The previous day, he'd cooked a feast of ribs, potato salad and corn bread in preparation for his son's homecoming.

"I'm the happiest guy in the universe," he said.

(source: themarshallproject.org)

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Death penalty decision expected next month in Stan Norman murder case



The prosecutor in the Stan Norman murder case said he'll likely decide by next month whether to seek death against two men accused of the veteran's slaying.

Assistant District Attorney Chris Walsh said during a Thursday court hearing that decision could occur by Nov. 15, the next date Sean Bryant, 52, and Michael McCauley, 42, are scheduled to appear in Nevada County Superior Court.

Defense attorney David Brooks, who represents Bryant, said he's acting like it currently is a death penalty case.

"We're going to gear it up, but we haven't done it yet," Brooks said.

Prosecutors have filed a special circumstance of murder with torture against the men. That designation means they're eligible for death or life in prison with no chance of parole.

Walsh said he wants to hear from Brooks and McCauley's defense attorney - who might have information about their clients' upbringing and background - before making a decision about the death penalty.

According to Brooks, a death penalty case involves more county dollars and much more time. Nevada County would have to pay for one additional attorney for each man. Additionally, those attorneys would have to meet certain requirements.

"There are very few attorneys like that here, because the death penalty is not used," Brooks said.

Authorities claim Bryant and McCauley were involved in the April 15 death of Norman, 70. Officers arrested Bryant in mid-May on an unrelated accusation, charging him with murder several days later. McCauley was arrested June 1.

Both men remained Thursday in the Nevada County Jail without bond.

(source: theunion.com)








WASHINGTON:

The Washington Supreme Court Just Banned Life-Without-Parole Sentences for Teens----The ruling comes a week after the court abolished capital punishment.



Washington's state Supreme Court has ruled that it's unconstitutional to sentence teen offenders to life in prison without parole because their brains are less developed than those of adult offenders, arguing that they should be granted a 2nd chance because of their potential for growth.

The 5-4 decision on Thursday comes one week after the court abolished the death penalty in the state. Washington is now 1 of at least 21 states, along with the District of Columbia, that ban life-without-parole punishments for crimes committed by people under the age of 18.

The case centered on a man named Brian Basset who received a mandatory life-without-parole sentence in 1996 after he was convicted of killing his mother, father, and younger brother at the age of 16. He thought he would die in prison, until the US Supreme Court ruled in 2012 that such mandatory punishments were cruel and unusual for teens. The justices later said juvenile lifers who were stuck behind bars should be resentenced or given an opportunity for release. But they left the door open for judges to resentence them to new life-without-parole terms in cases where a person was believed to be irredeemable.

At the time, 70 % of the country's 2,600 juvenile lifers were people of color, and many had been sent to prison during the superpredator scare of the 1990s, when prosecutors attempted to depict teen criminals as dangerous and deserving harsh punishments.

In 2015, when a 35-year-old Basset appeared before a judge for resentencing, he argued he had turned himself around. At the time of his crime he had been homeless because his parents would not let him live with them. In prison he had earned a full-tuition scholarship to college and worked his way onto the honor roll. He was mentoring other inmates and had not committed any disciplinary infractions for more than a decade. Still, he was resentenced to life without parole, a term he contested as unconstitutional.

"Children are less criminally culpable than adults," Justice Susan Owens wrote for the majority.

The Washington state Supreme Court agreed and categorically banned the sentence for teen offenders, saying it violated the state constitution, which it argued provided broader protections than the Eighth Amendment. "[W]e find that states are rapidly abandoning juvenile life without parole sentences, children are less criminally culpable than adults, and the characteristics of youth do not support the penological goals of a life without parole sentence," Justice Susan Owens wrote for the majority.

While a growing number of states have moved away from harsh sentences for teens, some like Michigan and Louisiana continue to lag behind. In Louisiana, nearly 2/3 of juveniles convicted of new murder crimes since 2016 have been handed life sentences with no chance of parole; most of them were African American.

(source: motherjones.com)

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How This Sociologist’s Research Led a State to Abolish the Death Penalty



When the Washington State Supreme Court abolished the death penalty this month, that was primarily because of Katherine Beckett.

Beckett, a professor of sociology and law at the University of Washington, wrote a statistical study with a doctoral student in 2014, finding that, while a defendant’s race didn’t appear to influence prosecutors in whether to seek the death penalty, juries were more than four times more likely to impose a death sentence if the defendant was black. The ruling this month declared the death penalty unconstitutional "because it is imposed in an arbitrary and racially biased manner." In their deliberation, the justices wrote, they afforded "great weight to Beckett’s analysis and conclusions."

"That's one good thing about doing statistical analysis: The findings are the findings."

The state had spent several years trying to undermine Beckett and her work. In 2013 she had taken on the topic at the invitation of lawyers for Allen Eugene Gregory, a convicted murderer who was one of eight men on Washington's death row. That research was met with a gantlet of extended debate and attacks, including scrutiny from an expert hired by the state who suggested that the 2 scholars had unethically adjusted models to generate a predetermined result. After much examination of statistical analysis and modeling, the court decided differently in Gregory's case. He and the other death-row inmates will have their sentences commuted to life in prison.

Beckett spoke with The Chronicle about rerunning analyses for justices, fielding disturbing emails, and the need to research the efficacy of long sentences for violent crimes.

Did you have any inkling that your research would have the impact it did?

We knew that this case was headed to the state Supreme Court, so the impact was always there as a possibility. We knew there was that potential.

At some point you reran the analysis and corrected for errors. How concerned were you that the findings might be diminished or even disproved?

We ran the analyses probably hundreds of times, measuring different variables in different ways. Literally for years we were rerunning the analysis. And over time we just became more and more confident in the strength of the findings, because no matter how you ran it, the race of the defendant just kept coming back.

How did you try to safeguard the research process so that the potential significance of the findings didn't subconsciously affect the analysis?

That's 1 good thing about doing statistical analysis: The findings are the findings. There's not a lot you can do to influence them. And we were very clear with the attorneys that we were happy to do the analyses, and if they showed that race didn't matter, we wouldn't try to rig the game in any way. They were 100-% on board with that.

Did the findings have an immediate impact or take a while to get traction?

It took a while. Somewhere along the way, the state elected to hire an expert who issued a critique of our work, and that spawned a roughly 2-year back-and-forth dialogue that was eventually umpired by a commissioner appointed by the state Supreme Court.

How did the scrutiny by the state's attorney or the justices compare with, say, peer review?

The expert hired by the state was skeptical and critical in a way I had not seen in peer review. It was an exhaustive process and somewhat trying. The commissioner appointed by the Supreme Court ultimately wrote her own report, and the justices looked at both that and the back-and-forth. So it was very well vetted, much more thoroughly than anything I’ve experienced in the peer-review process.

Your research didn't exactly go viral, but it achieved a level of attention unusual for academic work. What's that like?

It's a little overwhelming, actually. But also deeply gratifying.

The court, in deciding this case, really took social-science evidence seriously. The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that statistical evidence is not sufficient and that one needs to prove the intent to discriminate, which is a sort of unattainable evidentiary bar. So given that this kind of study would not be considered at the federal level, to have it taken so seriously at the state level is heartening. I think it has given a lot of people hope that perhaps state constitutions and judiciaries can provide more-meaningful protections than the federal courts can.

And it's gratifying that the court was willing to hang in there for several years of very technical and boring back-and-forth about what p-values really mean, and all these things I'm sure the justices would rather not have spent their time on.

These days, scholars in the public eye are often subject to internet attacks or other scorn. Did that happen to you?

I've gotten a few emails that were somewhat tension-producing, I'll say, but it hasn't been too bad. I've been honored and pleased by the general tenor of the communication I've received.

What are you working on now?

Essentially I'm trying to figure out why mass incarceration is persisting the way it is, given that crime rates have been plummeting for many years, and many states have adopted reforms intended to reduce prison populations. Yet we see a much smaller reduction in the prison population than you'd expect.

I also have a project analyzing the causes of the proliferation of long and life sentences, specifically in Washington State. In many states, including Washington, one of the main drivers of mass incarceration is the increasing length of sentences.

Where would you like to see more of your peers focus their research?

I've only ever dreamed of my own research agenda, not other people's.

A lot of people who are interested in criminal-justice reform tend to want to avoid the difficult subject of violence. As cohort researchers, we're going to have to get brave and be willing to look that in the eye. The temptation is to talk about the need to keep marijuana possessors out of the system, but that's just not going to get you very far. Not that we shouldn't do that, but we should also be proposing harder questions about what justice looks like when serious harm is involved.

Why is that an interesting research question?

Well, our ideas about what justice requires have changed. The amount of time that people now serve for cases involving serious violence is far greater than it used to be. We didn't always do this, and most countries don't. Those changing sensibilities are important. Not only are long sentences a major contributor to mass incarceration, but they're also contributing to the rapid aging of the prison population, which is an extraordinarily inefficient, inhumane, and expensive development.

One of the most consistent criminological findings is that people age out of crime, and that includes people who have committed serious crimes. The risk that someone poses after the age of 50 or so is just very, very small. There may be some exceptions in cases involving psychosis or sociopathy, but in the vast majority of cases, age is an excellent predictor of being safe to be released.

What's your advice for professors to improve the impact of their work?

In some ways, I just got lucky. But I hope this case supports the idea that, for those of us interested in bringing our research to bear on public-policy questions, it’s absolutely great to allow your values and political commitments to shape the questions you ask. We do have to be careful to not let our values and political commitments determine or influence our findings.

The other thing is really thinking through the institutional context. It's much less likely that the findings around race would have had an impact in the state legislature as opposed to the courts. So, given the particularities of the issue you're working on, what kinds of partnerships are most likely to lead to some kind of impact?

So if you hadn't been working with the lawyers on this particular case, and instead you had just published your research and tried to interest state leaders, it might not have gone very far?

Right. If there were a legislative initiative underway, they probably would have wanted to focus on something more like the cost associated with the death penalty.

What would you say to fellow scholars who might find themselves and their work attracting heated public attention?

Hang in there. Take deep breaths. It can be very intense, particularly if people attack your integrity. Just try not to get sucked into personal animosity, try to keep your head on your shoulders, and just keep focusing on the actual work and the quality of the work.

(source: The Chronicle of Higher Education)








USA:

Death penalty never acceptable, justified



Last Thursday, Oct. 11, Washington state became the 20th state to ban the death penalty as a punishment for crimes. In many states, the death penalty is still legal, whether it be through lethal injection, like in Texas, or electrocution, like in Alabama. It is 2018, and people should not be electrocuted to death for crimes they have committed.

While Washington state has made a step in the right direction, only 20 states have banned the death penalty. The concept of the death penalty is rather morbid. A person makes a mistake and commits a crime, whether it be due to a mental illness or how they were raised, and they have no chance for redemption or growth beyond that decision.

That is, of course, not to say that criminals that rape and murder should eventually be allowed to roam freely among those who did not commit crimes. There should still be life-long sentences in prison for those who committed horrific crimes. Prisoners are more than their crime, and they still deserve to live a life and pay penance for it.

The most prevalent argument for the death penalty is that the prison system is already a major cost, and keeping the prisoners alive and healthy is a burden. The idea that the price of keeping someone alive is too much to handle, and therefore, that they should die is so desensitized to the fact that prisoners are, in fact, real people. Many of them have done horrible things, but that does not suddenly make them less human.

Another major concern people have is that if the person committed a murder, they took a life. Their life should be taken as well. In order for a killer to fully repent and feel remorse for what they did, they should be forced to stew in it, think on it and come to terms with what they did. For those who are more vengeful, this concept should provide some peace, knowing that the people who commit the crimes will have to do the time, potentially for the rest of their lives.

Too often do murder convicts, including some that are on death row, actually get proven innocent following trial and are released. In some cases, they are proven innocent post-mortem because they were executed before the technology advanced to where it is now. The safest way to avoid unjustified execution is to not execute people, guilty or otherwise.

(source: Francesca Miesner, The (Oswego State University) Oswegonian)

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Democrats Discuss: 'No' to the death penalty



The discussion of the death penalty isn't usually discussed in a partisan manner. People on all sides of the aisle struggle to find their ground on how they feel about the issue. This isn't an issue that sways elections or is asked about in debates - but it should be. Capital punishment affects more people in the United States than people realize and we have a responsibility as citizens to pay attention to it.

Anthony Ray Hinton, a man who was wrongfully convicted due to racism, spent 35 years of his life on death row because he couldn’t afford more than a court-appointed attorney. His autobiography illustrates the lives of many different men he spent time with on the row. He tells the story of Horrace Dunkins, a man whose execution was botched. They executioners had to electrocute him twice for 19 minutes in the chair. This type of incident is not uncommon and raises the question, does the death penalty fall under cruel and unusual punishment?

Stories of men and women dying from cardiac arrest when the IV with the mysterious death drug wasn't entered correctly, men catching on fire from the electricity, and men who were found innocent after they had already been put to death are all unacceptable. One case of this should have been the line to stop capital punishment, instead, there's been thousands and it's still being practiced today.

It is estimated that one in 25 men on death row is innocent, according to a study conducted by Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. This should be alarming to all people. Hinton is only one in thousands who couldn’t afford a properly equipped lawyer. In fact, Hinton was told by the officer who interrogated him that the officer didn't care whether Hinton was innocent or not, all that mattered was there was going to be a white judge, a white jury, and a white man saying he shot him. He is not the only one who has experienced this.

Of the total amount of executions carried out since 1976, 43 % have been people of color. Currently, 55 % of people awaiting executions today are people of color. These percentages are disgustingly disproportionate.

The chance of the state executing someone for a crime they did not commit is a crime in itself. We murder people for murdering innocent people, and then the US turns around and does the same.

There is the argument of taxpayers spending their money on imprisoning someone for life versus giving them an execution date. The misconception is: it’s more expensive to put someone on death row and execute them than keeping them in prison for life. According to some, it’s ten times more expensive to sentence someone to death row. The execution itself is hard to gauge because there is a lot of secrecy around the injection drug and how much it costs. The costs come from the legal help, the trials, and the appeals. Capital cases are more expensive and take much longer to resolve. On average, it's estimated about $470,000 more per case.

Morally, it brings the question, how can we as a nation justify taking lives when it hasn't deterred crime in any way? Of the 25 states that have the highest murder rates, 20 of them of them have the death penalty.

It's the only punishment in the United States that does to the person the crime that person committed. If someone robs a person's house, the US doesn't go and rob that person’s house. However, if someone murders someone, the US, in turn, murders them.

Overall, the death penalty should fall under cruel and unusual punishment. There are men and women sitting on death row today that didn't have the funds for a proper attorney, they were convicted on flimsy evidence, the jury gave them life but the judge overturned it and said death penalty, they have low IQs and don't understand what's happening, or maybe they're just guilty.

Do we risk killing an innocent man or woman as a nation? Do we spend the the extra billions of dollars on capital punishment when it's done nothing for crime rates?

My vote is no.

(source: Kailee Missler is a sophomore studying strategic communications at Ohio University----thepostathens.com)

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The needle and the damage done: Lethal injection is an inhumane way to execute people



Last week, news broke that a prisoner on death row in Tennessee had asked to be executed by electric chair, rather than lethal injection. Edmund Zagorski, 63, said the chair was "the lesser of the 2 evils." Many people were shocked by his decision, but I wasn't. I was sentenced to die by lethal injection for a crime I didn't commit - and the thought of it still gives me nightmares.

In 1990, I was convicted of murder in Mississippi. Officials accused me of killing my 9-month-old son Walter. I checked on him one night and found he had stopped breathing. I rushed him to the hospital performing CPR the whole way, but the doctors couldn't wake him up.

The next day, I went to the police station as I had been asked to do. The detective yelled at me, "You know you killed your baby. You stepped on him with your feet and smashed him on the floor. You killed him." I was placed in a jail cell and was not allowed to attend Walter's funeral.

For 6 years on death row, I grieved for my son and contemplated my upcoming execution. Nobody told me there was an automatic appeal, so to begin with, I waited on the day they were meant to kill me, dreading every footfall outside my cell.

When my other son Danny was 5 years old, he asked me on the phone, "Are they going to kill you with a needle?" His question stopped me cold.

I heard stories of people choking and convulsing on the gurney as they died by lethal injection, and hoped my death would not be like that. I didn't want my family to be burdened with the knowledge that I was suffering during my last moments on earth.

My ordeal ended when I was finally found innocent, after 6 terrifying years, but it chills me to consider how narrowly I escaped an agonizing, drawn-out death.

Justice Sonia Sotomayor has called lethal injection "the chemical equivalent of being burned at the stake," and noted the "cruel irony that the method that appears most humane may turn out to be our most cruel experiment yet."

In March of this year, Alabama tried to execute Doyle Lee Hamm, a 61-year-old prisoner with terminal cancer. Prison personnel spent 2 1/2 hours sticking Hamm's legs, ankles and groin with needles in an attempt to set up an IV line. The prison punctured his bladder before giving up and returning him to his cell.

In Texas, Danny Bible took quick breaths before saying that his body was "burning" as he was killed by lethal injection this year.

As lethal drugs were injected into Anthony Shore's veins, witnesses reported that his body started to tremble and he said: "I can feel that it does burn. Burning!"

It is little wonder that death row prisoners like Zagorski are seeking alternatives, even if that means the electric chair.

In Missouri, a man named Russell Bucklew has requested death by lethal gas, because he has a health condition that would cause him to choke on his own blood if he were executed by lethal injection. In Arkansas last year, nine prisoners requested the firing squad or gas. Another man on death row preferred hanging.

When states turned away from using the electric chair around the time of my conviction, they presented lethal injection as a safe, medically-administered, all-but painless alternative. 2 decades later, we know this to be a lie, and yet we persist in order to avoid confronting the awful reality of capital punishment.

So far, only Oklahoma has recognized that lethal injection is inhumane and abandoned it as a method of execution. Other states should do the same.

(source: Sabrina Butler was the 1st woman to be exonerated and freed from death row in US history----reprieve.org.uk)
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