http://www.koteka.net/part2.htm
The CCM Group, known internationally as one of the Nike sport shoes
producers in Indonesia, is led by husband-and-wife team, Murdaya
Widyawimarta (Poo Tjie Guan), and his wife, Siti Hartati Murdaya,
who also leads the national Buddhist association, Walubi. During the
Soeharto and Habibie periods, Walubi was the only nation-wide
Buddhist organisation recognised by the government, mainly to
mobilise support from rich Indonesian Chinese Buddhist for Suharto's
ruling party, Golkar.
DOSA-DOSA HARTATI MURDAYA
http://www.hamline.edu/apakabar/basisdata/1999/09/11/0018.html
Sejak keterlibatan Siti Hartati Murdaya (SHM) dalam lingkungan
organisasi
Buddha telah banyak "dosa-dosa" besar dan kecil yang dilakukannya,
a.l. :
* Atas perintah dia telah dilakukan penculikan dan dilanjutkan
dengan penyiksaan/penyetruman 3 fungsionaris DPP Walubi-lama.
* Atas perintah SHM (karena kedekatannya dengan militer) telah
dilakukan pengumpulan umat Buddha di Lampung di Makodam Bandar
Lampung untuk memaksa mereka pindah majelis, karena majelis yang
membina mereka telah dikeluarkan dari Walubi Lama. Pemaksaan ini
digunakan dengan bantuan aparat militer setempat.
* Pada era reformasi ini, kembali atas kehendak SHM Walubi Lama yang
sarat dengan cacat itu dibubarkan, tanpa melibatnya seluruh unsur
pembentuknya dimana hanya 4 dari 9 organisasi anggotanya yang setuju
atas pembubaran tersebut, sehingga membuat pembubaran tsb cacat
secara hukum.
* Atas kehendak SHM dibentuklah wadah baru dengan singkatan tetap
Walubi, dimana dia menempatkan diri sebagai Ketua Umum yang
diklaimnya karena dukungan dari majelis2.
* Karena para biksu tidak ingin disetir untuk tujuan politiknya,
atas kehendak SHM dibentuklah Dewan Sangha Walubi sebagai tandingan
KASI (Konferensi Agung Sangha Indonesia). Perbuatan ini dalam agama
Buddha sudah termasuk Akusala Garuka Karma (Perbuatan Jahat
terberat) yang akan menyebabkan orang yang melakukannya pasti
terlahir di neraka, walaupun dia telah melakukan perbuatan baik
apapun.
* SHM melancarkan tuduhan & fitnahan yang sangat menyesatkan
terhadap KASI lewat berbagai media massa. A.l. meminta para biksu
KASI untuk 'lepas jubah' (melepaskan kebiksuannya), padahal secara
etika umat yang diatur dalam Kitab Suci Tripitaka, seorang umat
Buddha tidak boleh meminta apalagi memaksa para biksu untuk 'lepas
jubah'
* Dan masih banyak lagi yang tidak saya ketahui.
Ini hanya dosa-dosa SHM di lingkungan Buddha, mungkin ada yang tahu
dosa-dosa SHM dilingkungan bisnisnya (Nike, HP dll) ?
Mr. Poo
Financing Human Rights Abuses in Indonesia
Part II
Companies which directly or indirectly financed military and
paramilitary operations to repress pro-democracy and pro-
independence activism in Indonesia and East Timor
By George J. Aditjondro
FINANCIAL UNDERWRITERS:
After extensive library research and interviews with sources in
Indonesia and abroad, it can be concluded that ten conglomerate
owners have been involved in financing military and paramilitary
violence in Indonesia.
Six of these conglomerates or conglomerate groups are owned by
members of Soeharto's extended family, namely Sudwikatmono, Siti
Hardiyanti Rukmana (Tutut), Probosutedjo, Bambang Trihatmodjo,
Titiek Prabowo and her brother-in-law, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, and
the current fugitive Hurtomo Mandala Putra, aka Tommy Suharto.
Meanwhile, eight other conglomerates are more closely linked to
Army, but have also close ties to the Soeharto family. Those are the
group of companies linked to the Army's Strategic Reserve Command
(KOSTRAD), the companies linked to the retired generals' Yayasan
Kejuangan Panglima Besar (Jenderal) Sudirman, the Army's Tri Usaha
Bhakti (TRUBA) Group, Tomy Winata's Artha Graha Group, Prajogo
Pangestu's Barito Pacific Group, Burhan Uray's Djajanti Group,
Ciputra's Ciputra Group, and Murdaya Widayawimarta's Cipta Cakra
Murdaya Group.
Members of former president Suharto's family:
Let me then first outline how the Suharto family companies are
involved in financing human rights violations in Indonesia.
Sudwikatmono, Soeharto's cousin/half brother
According to a member of the Indonesian Democratic Advocacy Team
(TPDI), Trimedya Pandjaitan, two conglomerate owners were involved
in funding the attack on Megawati Soekarnoputri's PDI headquarters
on 58 Diponegoro Boulevard in Central Jakarta on July 27, 1996. They
contributed Rp 1 billion to complement the Rp 0.5 billion
contributed by the military, to hire about 400 thugs who ironically
later sued their former bosses since many claimed that they had not
received the Rp 200 million fee per person promised. After
hesitating for several months, in June 2000 he revealed their names
as "Sudwikatmono and Ciputra" (Panji Masyarakat, June 9, 1997: 81;
Tiras, June 9, 1997: 98-99; Indonesian Observer, March 7, 2000;
Detik.com, June 27, 2000).
Probosutedjo, Soeharto's stepbrother
As has been discussed earlier, Probosutedjo had been involved in the
Bosnian solidarity campaign which gave birth to the formation of
KISDI. It is therefore not unlikely that he has maintained his links
with this militant Muslim group, which has strongly supported a call
to wage the 'holy war' (jihad ) against Christians in Maluku.
Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana (Tutut) - Soeharto's eldest daughter
As has been discussed earlier, Tutut founded Yayasan Kesejahteraan
Masyarakat Indonesia (YAKMI), which is the mantle organisation for
the Tebas Taskforce. Members of this taskforce have been involved in
the private security guards (PAM Swakarsa) which formed the front
line in fighting the student activists who were opposed to the
November 1998 special session of the People's Consultative Council
(MPR) which was held to legitimise Habibie's presidency rather than
to prepare for a genuine democratic election, without the
intervention of the military who have to return to their barracks.
Satgas Tebas members have also been detected in Ambon, Maluku,
during the first wave of the communal violence in January 1999
(SiaR, January 29, 1999).
Bambang Trihatmodjo, Soeharto's second son
As has been discussed earlier, Bambang's Bimantara Group has been
involved in funding some of the activities of the "Tidar Boys".
Siti Hediati Haryadi (Titiek Prabowo) & Hashim Djojohadikusumo
Hashim Djojohadikusuma's Tirtamas' role in financing part of the
military's clandestine operations has been admitted by Hashim
himself in Raphael Pura's article, "Hashim emerges in corporate
Indonesia: family and political connections bolster tough
expansionary style" (The Asian Wall Street Journal, Febr. 2,1992),
that he often provided funds to his brother, Prabowo Subianto, whom
at that time was only a Lieut.Col. of Kopassus, stating that
Prabowo "needs funds, ... as a loyal and dutiful brother, I'll
provide them. He has a lot of soldiers to take care of." It has also
been admitted by a source, who had worked with Hashim in the 1990s.
Domestically, Hashim's conglomerate is known as the Tirtamas Group,
but overseas it uses the name Comexindo.
Hutomo Mandala Putra, aka Tommy Suharto (Soeharto's youngest son)
As discussed earlier, Tommy allegedly coordinated most of the pro-
Soeharto rallies in Jakarta and his crony, Nurdin Halid, financed
the sectarian activities of students and thugs in Makassar.
Army and Suharto family cronies:
KOSTRAD-linked companies
Yayasan Kesejahteraan Sosial Dharma Putera (YKSDP) was one of the
earliest military foundations set up in Jakarta, and was founded
personally by Soeharto on April 28, 1964, before he took over the
presidency from Soekarno, when he was still the commander of the
Army Strategic Reserve Command (KOSTRAD).
This foundation's fund raising activities are basically carried out
through a holding company, called PT Dharma Kencana Sakti, which
hold shares in a number of companies. In addition, this KOSTRAD-
linked foundation is also a direct shareholder in several companies,
such as Mandala Airlines (founded on April 17, 1969) and PT Bank
Windu Kentjana (founded on May 26, 1967).
These KOSTRAD linked companies reached their financial peak when
they were collectively managed by one of Soeharto's earlier cronies,
Sofyan Wanandi (Liem Bian Koen), who used this politico-economic
platform to build his own family conglomerate, the Gemala Group.
After Soeharto divorced his right-wing Catholic supporters to turn
to the newly formed ICMI-linked power base, the KOSTRAD-linked
companies practically dropped out of the picture while Sofyan
Wanandi built his own power base with fellow Sino-Indonesian-led
conglomerates (Aditjondro 1998: 21-23).
Only after Soeharto appointed his son-in-law to command the KOSTRAD
troops in 1997, the KOSTRAD-linked companies began to become
important milking cows again for the KOSTRAD troops, or at least,
for their commanders and their wives.
Indications about the wealth of this foundation only became known to
the public, when a new commander, Lt. Gen. Agus Wirahadikusumah,
took over from his predecessor, Lt. Gen. Djadja Suparman, in March
2000. General Wirahadikusumah's tenure as KOSTRAD commander only
lasted five months, because in August 2000 he was sacked, but not
after an audit he had commissioned revealed a corruption scandal of
Rp 173 billion (A$ 33 million) (Australian Financial Review, August
1, 2000).
Considering the fact that the deployment of KOSTRAD troops
supposedly to quell the communal violence in Maluku occurred during
the command of Lt. Gen. Djadja Suparman, who has also been accused
of supporting militant Muslim groups, such as the FPI in Jakarta and
the Lasykar Jihad forces in Maluku, it is not unlikely that some of
the extra-budgetair KOSTRAD funds were used to finance these
paramilitary activities.
Yayasan Kejuangan Panglima Besar Sudirman-linked companies On
January 26, 1990, then Defense Minister General L.B. Moerdani and
Armed Forces Commander General Try Sutrisno founded another army
charity, called Yayasan Kejuangan Panglima Besar Sudirman. Since
then, this foundation was officially placed under the Armed Forces
Headquarters, although Ret. General Benny Moerdani and his former
deputy during the invasion of Timor Lorosa'e, Ret. General Dading
Kalbuadi still called the shots - and must have received their
additional income from this foundation.
The foundation's main business vehicle, PT Multi Eka Karma, has
eight subsidiaries with businelss lines of telecommunications; media
and publication; data and information; engineering and construction;
diamonds and jewelry; asphalt; oil and gas, and infrastructure. In
August 1997, it signed an agreement with GN Comtext of Britain to
serve value-added telecommunications services in Indonesia. Multi's
director, Teddy Mappakaya, said the value-added services would
include store and forward telex and facsimile facilities, and to
provide the new service, Multi
Eka Karma would set up a new firm called PT Global Nusa Caraka
Ekakarma to cooperate with GN Comtext (Jakarta Post, August 15,
1987). By that time, this Army-linked company had also announced
plans to invest in India (Asian Age, Bombay, September 10, 1996).
Apart from its joint ventures with British and Indian companies,
Benny Moerdani and his own business associates, such as former
Airforce Commander Vi ce-Marshall Teddy Rusdy and former Garuda
Airlines CEO Moehammad Soeparno had also spread their wings to
Australia, setting up a pilot training school near Perth, Western
Australia. This company, Australian Flying Training School (AFTS)
operates under the banner of the Perth-based holding company, Taruma
Australia Pty. Ltd. (West Australian, January 3, 1996; Kontan,
March 10, 1997; ASIC Reg. No. 071 164 335).
The foundation's most lucrative financial source, however, is the
new oil mining conglomerate, called Newconcept Technologies
International Resources Ltd. (NTI), founded by Edward Seki
Soeryadjaya, the former owner of the bankrupt Summa Bank. In an
interview with the business magazine, Swasembada of Juky 3-11, 1997,
Edward Soeryadjaya admitted that he cooperated with this army
foundation (p. 32).
Although there are no indications or reports that Benny Moerdani and
his clique of retired officers have been directly financing military
or paramilitary activities, they are actively advising Vice
President Megawati Soekarnoputri in matters dealing
with 'territorial integrity,' and also have indirect links with the
pro-Indonesian East Timorese militia gangs now based in West Timor.
One of the infamous militia leaders, Eurico Guterres, was at one
stage appointed to head the local paramilitary group of Megawati's
PDI-P branch.
In addition, Benny M oerdani was - and probably still is - linked to
the Batara Indra Group of Robby Sumampouw, who enjoyed near monopoly
over all strategic businesses in Timor Lorosa'e during the first
decade of the occupation. Interestingly, a construction firm of this
group, PT Gunung Kijang, has recently (March & May 2000) obtained
several strategic contracts from the UNTAET to renovate the UNTAET
chief's waterfront house and to construct the generator house at the
UNTAET headquarters. So, it is not unlikely that this military
foundation and the retired generals associated with it were or still
are involved in supporting the pro-Indonesian paramilitary forces in
East Timor.
Tri Usaha Bhakti (TRUBA) Group
This conglomerate is predominantly owned by the Army's largest
charity, Yayasan Kartika Eka Paksi. Its holding company is PT Tri
Usaha Bhakti (Truba), whose commissaris if Mayor General Kivlan
Zein, who daily coordinates army experts at the Army Headquarters in
Jakarta. This general has been named as the successor of Prabowo
Subianto in coordinating the "Tidar Boys," and has also been accused
by Abdurrahman Wahid of being involved in instigating the sectarian
violence in Ambon, an accusation which Kivlan Zein has vehemently
denied (Tempo, March 29, 1999: 32-33; SiaR, March 9, 1999; Xpos,
March 4-10, 1999; Kompas, Nov. 3, 2000).
Tomy Winata (Artha Graha Group)
Apart from coordinating its own conglomerate, Yayasan Kartika Eka
Paksi is also a major player in another conglomerate, the Artha
Graha Group, which is directed by a major co-shareholder, Tomy
Winata. This young businessman (born: July 23, 1958) has thereby
become of the main financial providers for Indonesian generals. He
is a close friend and alleged financer of Yorris Raweyai, executive
chairman of pro-Suharto paramilitary organisation, Pemuda Pancasila
(Tempo , 6 June 1999: 42, 48, 51).
At one stage, Tomy Winata carried out General Prabowo Subianto's
order to raise funds for Kopassus from a group of fourty
conglomerates. In other words, Tomy Winata became the go-between of
Kopassus and a group of Sino-Indonesian conglomerate leaders. A part
of these funds were used for the anti-Chinese operations of Kopassus
on May 13-15, 1998, which eventually led to the downfall of Suharto.
All the Sino-Indonesian business leaders were furious at Tomy
Winata, because their money was eventually used to kill fellow
Chinese and rape Chinese women. Obviously, they ceased to 'donate'
their funds to Tomy Winata.
In addition to the satelite communication businesses, Tomy Winata
also hasanother joint venture with Bambang which operates a huge
fishing fleet in the Banda Sea (Maluku). This joint venture, PT Ting
Sheen Bandasejahtera (TSB), is 55% owned by a Taiwanese company,
Ting Sheen Oceanic Development Co. Ltd., while the remaining shares
are divided between Bambang and Tomy Winata. According to a well-
informed source, Tomy Winata has his links with the Pentagon through
intermediaries in Taipeh, Taiwan. It has also been well-documented
that he had contributed US$ 200,000 to President Bill Clinton's
presidential campaign (AP, Febr. 5, 2000; Panji Masyarakat, Febr.
16, 2000: 75). .
Prajogo Pangestu (Barito Pacific Group)
This conglomerate is closely linked to the Suharto family, with
joint ventures with Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana in paper and pulp
projects in South Sumatra, shares in Bank Andromeda (which has now
been closed) with Bambang Trihatmodjo, while its CEO, Prajogo
Pangestu, was one of the two taipans who helped to bail Suharto's PT
Bank Duta out from a US$ 421 million foreign exchange speculation in
1990 (see section on Indover Bank, Amsterdam).
During the last decade of Suharto's rule, since Brig. Gen Kuntara
became the commander of Kopassus in 1988, there were about
3,000 'clandestine' Kopassus members, who did not have official
registration numbers who were funded by Prajogo Pangestu. These are
highly trained troops, where even a sargeant has the capacity also
to fly some fighter airplanes. They are certainly very well-trained
snipers. These forces, who were only loyal to Prabowo Subianto,
Soeharto's son-in-law, were based in East Kalimantan, not in Java
where the three main Kopassus bases are located in Jakarta
(Cijantung, Kopassus' HQ), West Java (Batujajar) and Central Java
(Kandang Menjangan). However, Barito Pacific in June 1995 failed to
raise funds in Malaysia, when its planned share-swapping with a
Malaysian conglomerate, CASH (Construction and Supplies Houses)
Berhad at the KL stock exchange was rejected by the Malaysian
Securities Commission. Since Prajogo had no more case to fund those
unregistered Kopassus members, they were then funded directly by
Suharto, through the national budget, under Armed Forces Commander
General Faisal Tanjung.
After the hostage taking fiasco of the OPM in West Papua in the
first semester of 1996, in which Prabowo manipulated ICRC
helicopters, Prabowo was appointed as commander of all the Kopassus
troops, which were suddenly expanded from 4,000 to 7,000, with
the 'new' group specialising in counter-intelligence operations, and
with additional troops which were then formally integrated into
Kopassus, Prabowo's ranks from Brigadier General to Mayor General.
Since the Santa Cruz massacre of 12 November 1991, the US stopped
financing the Timor war, for which they had allegedly provided US$
3.5 million per day, or around US$ 1 billion per year since 1975.
That was to help Indonesia to contain 'Communist expansion' from
Fretilin. Since Santa Cruz, Pentagon also stopped exporting
ammunition for the Indonesian military which have a shooting range
of more than 50 metres. This also drove the Indonesian army --
especially the special forces of Kopassus and Kostrad -- to increase
their own 'fund-raising' activities by inserting their foundations
as shareholders in many conglomerates owned or close to the Suharto
family.
Burhan Uray (Djajanti Group)
The Djajanti Group is a diversified forestry, fishery, and cement
conglomerate, where Sudwikatmono is a shareholder of several of its
member companies (PT Artika Optima Inti, 1.954%; PT Kamundan Raya,
10%; PT Nusantara Plywood, 5%). In the past, it had been managing
some of the military timber concessions in Maluku, and also did not
hesitate to use the military muscles to evict the local villagers
from their land to make way for their forestry, fishery, and cement
factory (aborted) on the island of Seram, or to force local
villagers to sell their Agathis trees for Djajanti's plywood
factory for a ridiculous low price by accusing them of being
supporters of the outlawed South Moluccan Republic (RMS). Currently,
PT Nusantara Plywood, their subsidary in Gresik, Surabaya, which
process logs from Kalimantan, Maluku, and West Papua, has the local
army cooperative (Primkopad Korem 143) as one its shareholders (IBRA
Press Release 2000; Aditjondro 2000b).
Ciputra (Ciputra Group)
As discussed earlier, this top Indonesian real estate and property
developer, who has also built and operated the Horizon hotel in
Hanoi, Vietnam, has also been accused of sponsoring the July 27,
1996 attack on the PDI headquarters.
Murdaya Widayawimarta (Cipta Cakra Murdaya Group)
The CCM Group, known internationally as one of the Nike sport shoes
producers in Indonesia, is led by husband-and-wife team, Murdaya
Widyawimarta (Poo Tjie Guan), and his wife, Siti Hartati Murdaya,
who also leads the national Buddhist association, Walubi. During the
Soeharto and Habibie periods, Walubi was the only nation-wide
Buddhist organisation recognised by the government, mainly to
mobilise support from rich Indonesian Chinese Buddhist for Suharto's
ruling party, Golkar.
CCM, which was initially known as the Berca Group, made their
fortune from contracts with the state electricity corporation, PLN
(Perusahaan Listrik Negara), which at one stage was nicknamed "Poo
eL eN", due to the dominance of the Berca Group in winning many
lucrative contracts. That dominance was partly caused by the fact
that the Berca/CCM Group, was also the only private sole agent for
the Swiss-Swedish engineering giant, ABB.
Since current President Abdurrahman Wahid had cancelled Walubi's
position as the only Buddhist organisation in the country, and the
former ruling party that they had supported is now not anymore in
power, the Murdayas have allegedly alligned themselves with factions
in the military that are openly and covertly opposing Wahid's
presidency.
Newcastle, November 18, 2000.
Bibliography:
Aditjondro, George J. (1998). Dari Soeharto ke Habibie - Guru
kencing berdiri, murid kencing berlari: kedua puncak korupsi,
kolusi, dan nepotisme rezim Orde Baru. Jakarta: Masyarakat Indonesia
untuk Kemanusiaan (MIK) & Pijar Indonesia.
(2000a). Chopping the global tentacles of the Suharto oligarchy: can
Aotearoa (New Zealand) lead the way? Keynote address at the
Conference on "Seizing Suharto's Assets", organised by the
Indonesian Human Rights Committee (IHRC) and the Campaign Against
Foreign Control of Aotearoa (CAFCA) in Auckland, NZ, April 1.
(2000b). "Guns, pamphlets and handy-talkies: how the military
exploited local ethno-religious tensions in Maluku to preserve their
political and economic privileges." In Ingrid Wessel and Georgia
Wimhoefer (eds). Violence in Indonesia. Hamburg: Abera, pp.
Awaludin, Hamid (1999). "Nurani keadilan Nurdin Halid," Forum
Keadilan, March 29-April 4, 1999, p. 32.
IBRA [Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency] (2000). Press Release
tentang Djajanti Group. Jakarta: IBRA. ICG [International Crisis
Group) (2000). Indonesia: keeping the military under control. ICG
Asia Report No. 9. Jakarta/Brussels, International Crisis Group.
Simanjuntak, Togi (2000). Premanisme politik. Jakarta: Institut
Studi Arus Informasi (ISAI).
-END-
Indonesia Human Rights Committee is a solidarity organization which
aims to build links between the people of New Zealand and Indonesia
by developing network with the groups in Indonesia dan around the
world who are working for human rights and democracy in Indonesia.
Being interested is not enough, get involved!
IHRC, P.O. Box 68 419, Newton, Auckland. Phone/fax: 64-9- 376 9098,
Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
--- In Dharmajala@yahoogroups.com, henry gunawan <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
wrote:
>
> Dear Bro BCLT..
>
> Kali ini bukan untuk menanggapi permasalahan buku di hotel.
> Tapi tertarik dengan urusan SAGIN.
> Mohon infonya mengenai politisir2 nya.
> Biar kita2 yang muda ini juga jadi tahu sejarah.
>
> thanks,
> henry
>
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