Chinese Capitalism: Industrial Powerhouse or Sweatshop of the World?

While some may think the Chinese economy is flourishing, Chan shows 
us that it is completely dependent upon foreign investment, and that 
instead of being the new workshop of the world, China is the new 
giant sweatshop of the world's major corporations, with devastating 
results for countries like Mexico who since 2001 lost 230,000 
manufacturing jobs to China. 

-----

by John Chan

When Beijing entered the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in December 
2001, it undertook to remove most of the remaining barriers to the 
operation of foreign corporations inside China by 2006. The 
resulting flood of investment into the country has given rise to 
glowing predictions in international financial circles that China is 
emerging as the new industrial powerhouse of world capitalism.

The October issue of the British-based Economist magazine, for 
example, lauded the southern Chinese province of Guangdong, which is 
adjacent to Hong Kong, and the country's major export region, 
as "the contemporary equivalent of 19th century Manchester—a 
workshop of the world".

In similar vein, the Los Angeles Times enthused: "Poor and isolated 
30 years ago, China is emerging as the world's factory floor. The 
country's middle class, though just a sliver of the population, is 
estimated at more than 100 million and growing rapidly. Even now, 
China buys more cell phones than any other country. Its expanding 
industrial sector is becoming a major buyer of raw materials, 
machinery and high-tech equipment."

Nicholas Lardy, a professor from the US-based Brookings Institution, 
told the Los Angeles Times: "The pace of China's industrial 
development and trade expansion is unparalleled in modern economic 
history. While this has led to unprecedented improvements in Chinese 
incomes and living standards, it also poses challenges for other 
countries."

The Wall Street Journal noted that some 50 percent of cameras, 30 
percent of air conditioners and televisions, 25 percent of washing 
machines, and 20 percent of refrigerators in the world are now being 
produced or assembled in China. Andy Xie, a Hong Kong-based 
economist for the investment house Morgan Stanley, told the 
newspaper: "China's rise as a manufacturing base is going to have 
the same kind of impact on the world that the industrialisation of 
the US had, perhaps even bigger."

But the claim that China is undergoing an economic transformation 
analogous to Britain in the 19th century or the US in the 20th 
century ignores some basic facts. The impressive rates of growth and 
statistics on industrial output are dependent on a huge flow of 
foreign direct investment into the country and a flood of cheap 
manufactured goods out of the country. Far from being the new 
workshop of the world, China is more like a giant sweatshop for the 
world's major corporations.

The high rates of economic growth in China during the 1990s were not 
driven by the expansion of an internal consumer market or native 
industrial development. The combination of plentiful labour, low 
wages, low taxation and brutal police-state repression made China 
one of the most attractive investment sites for transnational 
corporations.

Since the early 1990s, more than $US800 billion have been invested, 
overwhelmingly in a string of free trade zones located along China's 
coast. The US retail giant Wal-Mart Stores, for example, purchased 
about $14 billion in products from its Chinese subsidiaries last 
year, which represents about 13 percent of total US imports from 
China. The electronic conglomerate Philips operates 23 plants in 
China and exports $5 billion worth of goods each year to Western 
markets.

Foreign firms now account for 81 percent of China's technology 
exports—a global market share of 54 percent of DVD players, 28 
percent of cellular phones, 13 percent of digital cameras, 30 
percent of desktop computers, 12 percent of notebook computers and 
27 percent of colour televisions. Transnationals and their local 
contractors also dominate in other major exports such as machinery 
and textiles.

Up to December, China's volume of foreign trade increased by 21 
percent from 2001 to $620 billion, ranking it as the world's fifth 
largest trading nation. China's exports stood at $266.2 billion for 
the year to December and its imports at $212.6 billion, a 17.2 
percent increase. However, the character of China's trade is 
demonstrated by the fact that more than half the imports were 
associated with export processing—in other words, the materials or 
ready-made components needed for manufacturing export goods.

A study published on January 15 by a US-based think tank, Hale 
Advisors LLC & China Online, noted: "Fifteen years ago, intra-Asian 
trade inflows were simple. Capital goods and components were shipped 
from Japan to newly industrialising countries for processing and 
then re-exported to industrialised countries. The opening of China 
has added a new link to this chain. Capital goods are now shipped to 
Taiwan and Korea, which in turn send capital-intensive inputs to 
China and [South East] Asia for labour-intensive processing and 
assembly before re-export to developed markets."

Social costs
The chief function of the Stalinist bureaucracy in Beijing has been 
to offer terms and conditions that have transformed China into the 
world's most attractive sweatshop. Many transnationals have shifted 
their labour-intensive operations to China from South East Asia or 
Latin America, because of favorable labour costs and other financial 
concessions—with devastating results in many countries. Mexico, for 
example, is estimated to have lost 230,000 manufacturing jobs since 
2001, most of them to China.

At the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) meeting in 
November, many governments and business leaders expressed hostility 
to China's cutthroat competition for investment and export markets. 
Two-thirds of Chinese people are living on less than $1 a day and 
the average factory wage is just 40 US cents an hour—one-sixth that 
of Mexico and one-fortieth of the US.

As an article in the Financial Times noted: "In Singapore, Malaysia 
and other South East Asian countries, wage inflation followed as 
labour resources were stretched. In China, the supply of labour 
seems almost inexhaustible." This "inexhaustible" labour supply has 
been created at enormous social cost. Over 40 million workers once 
employed in state-owned enterprises have been sacked due to 
restructuring or bankruptcy. Millions more have been made redundant 
by the entry of foreign competition into virtually every area of the 
domestic market.

In rural China, the deregulation of agricultural prices and 
production has forced tens of millions off the land since the mid-
1980s. In the largest internal migration in human history, an 
estimated 150 million rural Chinese have flooded into urban areas in 
a desperate search for work—at any wages. At the same time, five to 
10 million youth graduate from schools each year, joining the labour 
market.

Despite its huge population, China's internal market remains 
relatively small, as most people are unable to afford the goods 
being produced. Only a small social layer has profitted from the 
exploitation of the world's largest cheap labour force. According to 
official figures released last November, there are now just over two 
million private firms in China, employing 70 million workers and 
with an output of $232 billion—compared to only 800,000 private 
companies in 1988.

While the average annual urban income is just $1,200, some five to 
seven percent of the Chinese population—predominantly the owners of 
small businesses, well-to-do farmers, professionals and state 
functionaries—earn between $3,000 to $12,000 a year. One percent—
some 12 million people—earn over $20,000. An even smaller number of 
capitalist entrepreneurs, those with close ties to the global 
corporate giants and also to Beijing, have amassed staggering levels 
of wealth. There are now some 10,000 individuals in China whose 
assets exceed $10 million.

Urban and rural inequalities are also widening because 88 percent of 
foreign investment occurs in the coastal cities of China's south and 
east. Only 9 percent goes to the underdeveloped central region and 
4.6 percent to the west. As a result, 57 percent of China's gross 
domestic product is produced in the east, compared to only 26 
percent in the central region and 17 percent in the west.

China's economic development is completely geared to the 
requirements of foreign corporations. In fact, the domination of 
foreign capital over economic life is assuming dimensions far 
greater than when China was a semi-colony of the major capitalist 
powers in late 19th century and early 20th centuries.

A senior economic official commented on China's economic dependency 
in the Peoples Daily on September 3, saying: "First is the great 
technological dependence on developed countries. Second, China's 
manufacturing is still at a low level. Third is the lack of 
resources and a big demand for foreign material supply. Among these 
are 100 percent of fibre optics imports and integrated circuits, 80 
percent of oil and oil processing and 57 percent of mechanical 
products. Fourth is a lack of large international [China-based] 
enterprises."

China's dependency on international capital was the overriding 
reason for opening up its domestic markets to foreign investors as 
part of the WTO agreements. Beijing is desperate to ensure that the 
rate of foreign investment does not fall. In the first nine months 
of last year, the Chinese government approved 24,771 foreign 
investment projects, a 33.4 percent increase over the same period of 
2001. The official figures of the Ministry of Foreign Trade and 
Economic Cooperation valued new foreign investment in the last 10 
months at a record $55 billion.

The owners of foreign-financed companies operating in China are 
reaping huge profits. Their owners were paid $27 billion in 
dividends in 2002 compared to just $6 billion in 1996. 
Transnationals now dominate the domestic markets for a range of 
industries—from auto and mobile phones to retail.

China's entry into the WTO has dramatically increased the ability of 
foreign firms to operate in its stock and financial markets. The 
previously protected domestic A-index shares for China's largest 
domestic companies are now open to overseas investors. These include 
large, flagship industrial corporations in "strategic sectors" such 
as energy and natural resources. The State Administration of Foreign 
Exchange announced in late November that it was setting an 
investment minimum of $50 million for China's stock exchanges—a 
measure that directly favours the major global investors.

China is highly vulnerable to any international downturn. Already 
analysts have pointed to a plunge in the growth of China's exports 
following the collapse of the US stock market bubble—from 27.8 
percent in 2000 to just 6.8 percent in 2001. Growing economic 
difficulties in US, Japan and the EU are expected to see further 
falls in world demand and a sharp contraction in China's export 
sectors. Cong Liang from China's State Statistics Bureau told the 
Dow Jones Business News last month that he predicted a drop in the 
official economic growth rate to 7.5 percent this year from 7.9 
percent in 2002 due to "a US war with Iraq, as well as rising 
unemployment and weak consumption by the rural population".

Any economic slowdown will rapidly expose the myth that China is the 
world's new industrial powerhouse and have far-reaching economic, 
social and political consequences. Above all, it will bring to the 
surface the underlying tensions created by the vast social gulf 
between the impoverished masses and the tiny minority who have 
benefitted from the regime's embrace of international capital and 
its needs.

Dari:
http://www.worldproutassembly.org/archives/2005/04/chinese_capital.ht
ml





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