>
> Benarkah Eyang Harto hanya terkait dengan 7 Yayasan saja?
> Atau itu hanya 'seolah-olah' ada upaya penyelidikan hukum saja?
> Mari hilangkan (minimal kikis) budaya/politik 'klaim dan seolah-olah'!!
> Mari..
>
> Wassalam,
>
> Irwan.K
>
> http://www.time.com/time/asia/asia/magazine/1999/990524/cover1.html
>
> *The Family Firm*
> *A TIME investigation into the wealth of Indonesia's Suharto and his
> children uncovers a $15 billion fortune in cash, property, art, jewelry and
> jets *
> By JOHN COLMEY and DAVID LIEBHOLD Jakarta
>
> When the end came for Suharto, Indonesia's long-serving President appeared
> oddly passive. As students and angry mobs took to the streets and soldiers
> responded with gunfire and tear gas, the five-star general hovered in the
> background, making few attempts to set things right. When he finally quit a
> year ago this week, he stood meekly to the side as his successor, B.J.
> Habibie, took the oath of office. Suharto has hardly been heard from since.
>
http://www.time.com/time/asia/asia/magazine/1999/990524/cover2.html
*GREAT EXPECTATIONS*
How did Suharto Inc. attain its wealth, its power and its hold over the
imaginations of millions of Indonesians? When Suharto became acting
President of Indonesia in 1967, his unique blend of forcefulness and
Javanese political subtlety was already manifest. The ousting of "President
for Life" Sukarno, the nationalist founder of the country, took two years
and, through an accompanying anti-communist purge, claimed as many as
500,000 lives. But Suharto, an obscure general from a hardscrabble village
in central Java, led an outwardly modest life. He and his late wife Siti
Hartinah ("Madam Tien") initially lived in a simple bungalow in the Menteng
district of Jakarta and drove a 1964 Ford Galaxy. That was in marked
contrast to Sukarno, the self-styled "God-King," with his grand presidential
palace and his glamorous third wife Dewi, a former Japanese hostess at
Tokyo's Copacabana nightclub.
Behind the facade, however, Suharto showed an early interest in making
money. In the 1950s, he was allegedly involved in sugar smuggling and other
extra-military activities in Central Java that may have cost him command of
the Army's Diponegoro Division during a 1959 anti-corruption drive. In his
autobiography, Suharto asserts that he bartered sugar for rice to ease a
local food shortage and that he did not benefit personally. In any case, the
military transferred Suharto to a less influential position at the army
staff college in Bandung, West Java.
In 1966, Suharto Inc. began to take shape. Before being officially named
President, Suharto issued Decree No. 8 to seize two Sukarno-controlled
conglomerates with combined assets of $2 billion. They became PT Pilot
Project Berdikari, a company that Suharto placed under the management of
Achmad Tirtosudiro, a former general who now heads a powerful Muslim
organization founded by President Habibie. The firm was to become one of the
main levers of the Suharto empire.
The President's fortunes began to soar along with those of a few close
associates, most prominently Liem Sioe Liong and The Kian Seng, better known
as Mohammad "Bob" Hasan. In late 1969, Suharto gave a partial monopoly--it
later became total--over the import, milling and distribution of wheat and
flour to PT Bogasari Flour Mills, controlled by Liem's Salim Group. Over the
years Liem--known as "Uncle Liem" to the Suharto brood--and Hasan became
Suharto's most trusted non-family associates and eventually amassed vast
commercial empires.
The bedrock of the Suharto fortune was the presidential yayasan, or
foundation. Dozens were set up, ostensibly as charities, and they have in
fact funded a large number of hospitals, schools and mosques. But the
foundations were also giant slush funds for the investment projects of the
Suhartos and their cronies, as well as for the ex-President's political
machine, Golkar. According to George Aditjondro, a sociology lecturer at
Australia's University of Newcastle, they ultimately numbered 97 and were
controlled by Suharto, his wife (who died in 1996), her relatives in the
countryside, his cousin and half-brother, the six children, their spouses
and parents, trusted military men and associates such as Habibie, Hasan and
Liem. "The foundations bought stocks, built companies, lent money to
businessmen," says Adnan Buyung Nasution, a lawyer who last year tried
unsuccessfully to set up an independent commission on the Suharto wealth.
The foundations accepted "donations," though they were often less than
voluntary. Beginning in 1978, all state-owned banks were required to give
2.5% of their profits to both the Dharmais and Supersemar foundations,
according to former Attorney General Soedjono Atmonegoro. Suharto's Decree
No. 92, in 1996, required that each taxpayer and company making more than
$40,000 a year donate 2% of income to the Dana Sejahtera Mandiri foundation,
set up to support poverty-alleviation programs (the order was rescinded last
July). To this day, civil servants and members of the military donate a
portion of their monthly salaries to the Amal Bakti Muslim Pancasila
foundation, which was used by Suharto to win Muslim support.
While "donations" provided most of the foundations' revenue, there were
other sources as well. In 1978, Suharto foundations took control of 60% of
Bank Duta, a leading private bank, according to a former Bank Duta official.
That share was gradually increased to 87%. The foundations invested heavily
in private companies established by Suharto family members and cronies.
After that, a helpful ministry or state-owned firm would award a contract or
a monopoly to those companies.
Since Suharto's downfall, the foundations have been a major target of
Indonesian investigators. Soon after Suharto's resignation, then-Attorney
General Soedjono examined the books of the four largest yayasan. What he
found was unsettling. "These foundations were set up to deliver social
services," he says, "but Suharto had distributed the money to his children
and friends." Soedjono discovered that one of the largest foundations,
Supersemar, had dispersed 84% of its funds on unauthorized pursuits,
including loans to companies owned by Suharto's children and friends.
Suharto, as chairman, had to sign any check over $50,000. Soedjono submitted
a preliminary report on his findings to President Habibie last June. He was
fired five hours later. (The President says Soedjono was dismissed because
he stepped outside the line of command on another matter.)
[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
Ingin bergabung ke milis ekonomi-nasional?
Kirim email ke [EMAIL PROTECTED]
YAHOO! GROUPS LINKS
- Visit your group "ekonomi-nasional" on the web.
- To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
- Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service.
