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> Date: Thu, 21 Mar 2002 17:34:39 -0500
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> Subject: VICTORS' JUSTICE by John Laughland
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> International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic www.icdsm.org 
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> The URL for this article is: http://www.icdsm.org/more/injustice.htm
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> =======================================
> VICTORS' JUSTICE 
> John Laughland says that the trial of Slobodan Milosevic has been
> rigged to justify Nato's war against Serbia 
> By John Laughland 
> From The Spectator * February 09, 2002 * Pg. 22 23 
> [Posted 21 March 2002]
> =======================================
> 
> WHATEVER the outcome of the trial of Slobodan Milosevic, which begins
> on 12 February and may last for several years, the International
> Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has already condemned
> itself. For it is difficult to imagine a more perfect paradigm of
> injustice than the sequence of events which has led to the
> proceedings that get underway next week. 
> 
> Let us leave aside for a moment the manner in which Milosevic was
> brought to The Hague. His transfer there in exchange for the promise
> of millions of dollars in aid, and in direct defiance of a ruling by
> the Yugoslav constitutional court, was the very quintessence of
> illegality. Far worse is the behaviour of the prosecutor and the
> judges, who now betray such a harmony of institutional interests that
> it is impossible for anyone to receive a fair trial at The Hague. 
> 
> The judges, indeed, have behaved as if they were just another arm of
> the prosecution; the prosecution, in turn, behaves in a brazenly
> politicised manner. On 1 February, the Appeal Chamber ruled in favour
> of a prosecution motion that all three indictments against Milosevic
> - for Kosovo, Bosnia and Croatia - should be bundled together into
> one single trial. Yet there is only one conceivable explanation for
> this judicial shenanigan: that the indictment of Milosevic for Kosovo
> is irredeemably flawed - the very indictment which constitutes the
> moral justification for the 78-day war that Nato fought against
> Yugoslavia in 1999. 
> 
> That American-led bombing was justified by the claim that genocide
> was being planned and executed against the ethnic Albanian population
> of Kosovo. Throughout 1999 and 2000, the tribunal and various
> self-appointed Balkan experts alleged that more than 11,000 Albanian
> civilians had been murdered, and that a plan existed, called
> Operation Horseshoe, to drive out half the population. These claims
> have now been formally discarded by the tribunal. 
> 
> The indictment issued in July 2001 against Milosevic and his
> colleagues, which was amended following the exhumation over two years
> of more than 2,000 bodies, now accuses them of complicity in the
> deaths of 'hundreds of Kosovo Albanian civilians'. It lists the names
> of 577 dead people, mostly men of fighting age. 
> 
> When asked by Le Monde last year why no charge had been brought for
> genocide in Kosovo, the chief prosecutor, Carla del Ponte, replied,
> 'Because there is no evidence for it.' Yet if, as Nato claimed at the
> time, the Yugoslav authorities had really intended to destroy the
> ethnic Albanian population of Kosovo, there would be no difficulty at
> all in proving genocide. 
> 
> Instead, the ICTY indictment makes no reference to Operation
> Horseshoe, no doubt because it was rumbled in 2000 as a pure
> invention of Nato war propaganda. 
> 
> Had a trial been allowed to go ahead, therefore, on the basis of the
> Kosovo war alone, the weakness of Nato's justification for attacking
> Yugoslavia would have been laid bare for all to see. Milosevic might
> even have been acquitted of any criminal responsibility for the
> deaths of the hundreds of Albanians listed, even if it could be shown
> that they were all civilians and not KLA fighters. 
> 
> To forestall this eventuality, in October and November last year the
> prosecutor quickly brought out two new indictments, for Croatia and
> Bosnia. She evidently hoped that the weakness of the Kosovo
> indictment would be quietly buried in the general melee And on 1
> February the judges of the Appeal Chamber acquiesced in the
> prosecution's demand that all three indictments should be merged into
> one single trial. This is in direct contradiction to one of the most
> fundamental principles of customary extradition law, namely that a
> defendant may not be tried for a crime other than the one for which
> he was originally sent for trial. 
> 
> The events in Croatia occurred in 1991 and 1992, those in Bosnia from
> 1992 to 1995. The Hague tribunal was itself created in 1993. During
> the tribunal's eight years of existence, the name of Slobodan
> Milosevic has been on everybody's lips. 
> 
> Indeed, a formal investigation into his personal responsibility for
> the Bosnian war (in which scores of thousands of people were killed)
> was opened in 1995. It found that there was no evidence to indict
> him, although it did indict the Bosnian Serb leaders. Are we now
> really supposed to believe that, ten years after Vukovar and seven
> years after Srebrenica, the prosecutors of the ICTY have only just
> realised that Slobodan Milosevic was president of Serbia at the time?
> 
> 
> It seems obvious that these last-minute indictments over Croatia and
> Bosnia were issued to cover up the weakness of the Kosovo indictment.
> And the judges have connived in this. When Milosevic arrived at The
> Hague on 28 June 2001, he was indicted only for Kosovo; the judges
> should therefore have dismissed the new Croatia and Bosnia
> indictments and waited until Milosevic had been tried for Kosovo
> before admitting any new proceedings. 
> 
> Even worse than that, there is evidence that the tribunal may have
> made a pact with the Bosnian Serb leadership in order to achieve a
> conviction of Milosevic - i. e. , with the very people most directly
> responsible for most of the killing in Bosnia. In January 2001, one
> of the tribunal's most senior indictees unexpectedly turned herself
> in to The Hague. Mrs Biljana Plavsic, a darling of the West, was
> president of the Bosnian Serb republic from 1996 to 1998; she was a
> friend of Arkan and once said that ethnic cleansing was 'natural';
> and she was a member of Radovan Karadzic's government in the Serb
> Republic of Bosnia throughout the bloodiest periods of the Bosnian
> war. 
> 
> When Mrs Plavsic handed herself in, it became clear immediately that
> she was going to receive very lenient treatment by the tribunal
> because she had offered to testify against Milosevic. Like many
> Bosnian Serbs, she hates Milosevic because she thinks he abandoned
> them at Dayton: Mrs Milosevic, for her part, calls Mrs Plavsic 'a
> psychopath'. 
> 
> But the spokesman for the prosecutor, Florence Hartmann, said in
> January 2001, 'Mrs Plavsic is in a position to give us a lot of
> information. She has co-operated by surrendering and she can continue
> to co-operate by testifying. We are hoping she will give evidence
> against other suspects.' 
> 
> After a couple of in-camera hearings, indeed - the contents of which,
> thanks to the tribunal's draconian secrecy rules, will never be
> revealed - Mrs Plavsic was told that she would be released pending
> her trial. 
> 
> In August last year, this woman who has been indicted for genocide
> the most serious crime in the tribunal's canon - was allowed to
> return to her home in Belgrade, where she presumably now sits
> comfortably with her cats. In the looking-glass world of so-called
> international justice, therefore, someone who was far more directly
> involved in the events in Bosnia than Milosevic was is being treated
> leniently, simply because she has agreed to denounce her old enemy,
> the former Serb president. 
> 
> The tribunal vehemently denies that any plea-bargaining has occurred
> between it and Mrs Plavsic. But these denials do not square with the
> ICTY's own rules and practice. A Bosnian Croat who pleaded guilty to
> executing 100 Muslim civilians at Srebrenica in 1995 was given a
> token sentence of five years in prison because he co-operated with
> the tribunal. It is inevitable, therefore, that the evidence of Mrs
> Plavsic, Milosevic's old political enemy, will be used to obtain his
> conviction. Nato, moreover, has still not arrested the two Bosnian
> Serb leaders, Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic. 
> 
> In 1995, Milosevic's Western opponents alleged that an indictment
> against him was suppressed for political reasons, because he was the
> West's favourite peacemaker at Dayton. The fact that the political
> wind has now changed does not make the decision taken last Friday any
> more justifiable, or the Hague tribunal any less of a political
> plaything. 
> 
> Copyright 2002 The Spectator Limited
> 
> Subscribe to the ICDSM email list at
> http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm Receive a few articles a week.
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> Click here to send the link to this article to a friend.
> 
> Some Useful Articles on the International Criminal Tribunal for the
> Former Yugoslavia
> =============================================
> 
> * In 'Illegal Tribunal - Illegal Indictment' Dr. Hans Koechler, the
> distinguished philosopher and social-legal analyst associated with
> the United Nations examines the Tribunal and does not like what he
> finds. Can be read at http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/prog2.htm 
> 
> * Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic is 'on trial' before
> NATO's so-called Tribunal. But that's nothing new. For better than a
> decade he has been on trial in the Western media, convicted daily of
> doing - and saying - terrible things. When you read the original
> documents you discover that the media is ill-informed or lying about
> Milosevic's statements and views. This is demonstrated with stunning
> clarity by Professor Francisco Gil-White in his article, 
> 
> * In 'An Impartial Tribunal? Really?', Attorney Chris Black examines
> the Tribunal's history and methods of operations. Can be read at
> http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/Impartial.htm 
> 
> * Dr. Kosta Cavoski, a distinguished Yugoslav legal scholar, has
> written a mind-boggling four-part series. 
> 
> 
> In 'The War Crimes Tribunal vs. Gen. Djordje Djukic' at
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-1.htm
> and 'The Mistreatment of Col. Aleksa Krsmanovic' at
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-2.htm Professor
> Cavoski deals with the torture and physical destruction of Serbian
> 'defendants'. 
> 
> In Illegal Origins' at
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-3.htm 
> Professor Cavoski analyzes the Tribunal's legal rationale, or lack of
> same. 
> 
> In 'Learning from the Inquisition' at
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-4.htm Professor
> Cavoski describes the practices of the Tribunal, which thoroughly
> violate what we would consider natural legal guarantees. 
>  
> 
> ==============================
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