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DUTCH REPORT: US SPONSORED FOREIGN ISLAMISTS IN BOSNIA
By Richard J Aldrich
Reprinted from The Guardian (LONDON)
Monday April 22, 2002 
Comments by Jared Israel
[Posted 22 April 2002]
=======================================

The long-awaited Dutch government report on the Bosnian war has been released. 
Elsewhere we

discuss its findings on the so-called massacre in Srebrenica (1). But aside from 
Srebrenica, the report has very important things to say about US cooperation with and
sponsorship of 
Islamist terrorism in Bosnia. This is discussed in the Guardian article, below.

The Guardian gave their article the title: "America Used Islamists To Arm The Bosnian 
Muslims."

This is misleading. they are using the term "Bosnian Muslims" to refer to the Muslim 
faction led by Alijah Izetbegovic. Izetbegovic is a Muslim fundamentalist who began his
political 
career supporting the Nazis during World War II. (2)

During the fighting in Bosnia, Muslims were sharply divided between pro- and 
anti-Izetbegovic factions. Many anti-Izetbegovic Muslims allied with the Bosnian 
Serbs. The
Western media 
labeled these people, "Muslim Rebels." But Izetbegovic's Islamist faction was referred 
to 
as "the Muslim-backed government in Sarajevo." 

(In olden times, a priest officiated in the coronation of a European king. But now the 
rite

is performed by the Western media.)

Even among Muslims, one could argue that Izetbegovic was not the leading politician. 
In the

1990 elections, the biggest vote-getter was Fikret Abdic. And it was Abdic who led the 
anti-Islamist Muslims who were allied with the Bosnian Serbs. For more on Mr. Abdic, 
see
the 
article, "Pro-Yugoslav Muslim Leader Put On Trial," at
http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/abdic.htm 

For more on the role of outside Islamists in the Bosnian conflict, see "Bin Laden in 
the 
Balkans" at 
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/binl.htm 

-- Jared Israel

***


America Used Islamists To Arm The Bosnian Muslims 
The Srebrenica Report Reveals The Pentagon's Role In A Dirty War

By Richard J Aldrich

The official Dutch inquiry into the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, released last week, 
contains 
one of the most sensational reports on western intelligence ever published. Officials 
have 
been staggered by its findings and the Dutch government has resigned. One of its many 
volumes is devoted to clandestine activities during the Bosnian war of the early 
1990s. For
five 
years, Professor Cees Wiebes of Amsterdam University has had unrestricted access to 
Dutch 
intelligence files and has stalked the corridors of secret service headquarters in 
western 
capitals, as well as in Bosnia, asking questions. 

His findings are set out in "Intelligence and the war in Bosnia, 1992-1995". It 
includes 
remarkable material on covert operations, signals interception, human agents and 
double-crossing by dozens of agencies in one of dirtiest wars of the new world 
disorder.
Now we have 
the full story of the secret alliance between the Pentagon and radical Islamist groups 
from

the Middle East designed to assist the Bosnian Muslims - some of the same groups that 
the 
Pentagon is now fighting in "the war against terrorism". Pentagon operations in Bosnia 
have

delivered their own "blowback". 

In the 1980s Washington's secret services had assisted Saddam Hussein in his war 
against 
Iran. Then, in 1990, the US fought him in the Gulf. In both Afghanistan and the Gulf, 
the 
Pentagon had incurred debts to Islamist groups and their Middle Eastern sponsors. By 
1993 
these groups, many supported by Iran and Saudi Arabia, were anxious to help Bosnian 
Muslims

fighting in the former Yugoslavia and called in their debts with the Americans. Bill
Clinton 
and the Pentagon were keen to be seen as creditworthy and repaid in the form of an 
Iran-Contra style operation - in flagrant violation of the UN security council arms 
embargo
against 
all combatants in the former Yugoslavia. 

The result was a vast secret conduit of weapons smuggling though Croatia. This was 
arranged

by the clandestine agencies of the US, Turkey and Iran, together with a range of 
radical 
Islamist groups, including Afghan mojahedin and the pro-Iranian Hizbullah. Wiebes 
reveals 
that the British intelligence services obtained documents early on in the Bosnian war
proving 
that Iran was making direct deliveries. 

Arms purchased by Iran and Turkey with the financial backing of Saudi Arabia made 
their way

by night from the Middle East. Initially aircraft from Iran Air were used, but as the 
volume increased they were joined by a mysterious fleet of black C-130 Hercules 
aircraft.
The 
report stresses that the US was "very closely involved" in the airlift. Mojahedin 
fighters 
were also flown in, but they were reserved as shock troops for especially hazardous 
operations. 

Light weapons are the familiar currency of secret services seeking to influence such 
conflicts. The volume of weapons flown into Croatia was enormous, partly because of a 
steep

Croatian "transit tax". Croatian forces creamed off between 20% and 50% of the arms. 
The
report 
stresses that this entire trade was clearly illicit. The Croats themselves also 
obtained 
massive quantities of illegal weapons from Germany, Belgium and Argentina - again in 
contravention of the UN arms embargo. The German secret services were fully aware of 
the
trade. 

Rather than the CIA, the Pentagon's own secret service was the hidden force behind 
these 
operations. The UN protection force, UNPROFOR, was dependent on its troop-contributing 
nations for intelligence, and above all on the sophisticated monitoring capabilities 
of the
US to 
police the arms embargo. This gave the Pentagon the ability to manipulate the embargo 
at 
will: ensuring that American Awacs aircraft covered crucial areas and were able to 
turn a 
blind eye to the frequent nightime comings and goings at Tuzla. 

Weapons flown in during the spring of 1995 were to turn up only a fortnight later in 
the 
besieged and demilitarised enclave at Srebrenica. When these shipments were noticed, 
Americans pressured UNPROFOR to rewrite reports, and when Norwegian officials protested
about the 
flights, they were reportedly threatened into silence. 

Both the CIA and British SIS had a more sophisticated perspective on the conflict than 
the 
Pentagon, insisting that no side had clean hands and arguing for caution. James 
Woolsey, 
director of the CIA until May 1995, had increasingly found himself out of step with 
the 
Clinton White House over his reluctance to develop close relations with the Islamists. 
The 
sentiments were reciprocated. In the spring of 1995, when the CIA sent its first head 
of
station 
to Sarajevo to liaise with Bosnia's security authorities, the Bosnians tipped off 
Iranian 
intelligence. The CIA learned that the Iranians had targeted him for liquidation and
quickly 
withdrew him. 

Iranian and Afghan veterans' training camps had also been identified in Bosnia. Later, 
in 
the Dayton Accords of November 1995, the stipulation appeared that all foreign forces 
be 
withdrawn. This was a deliberate attempt to cleanse Bosnia of Iranian-run training 
camps.
The 
CIA's main opponents in Bosnia were now the mojahedin fighters and their Iranian 
trainers -

whom the Pentagon had been helping to supply months earlier. 

Meanwhile, the secret services of Ukraine, Greece and Israel were busy arming the 
Bosnian 
Serbs. Mossad was especially active and concluded a deal with the Bosnian Serbs at 
Pale 
involving a substantial supply of artillery shells and mortar bombs. In return they 
secured

safe passage for the Jewish population out of the besieged town of Sarajevo. 
Subsequently,
the 
remaining population was perplexed to find that unexploded mortar bombs landing in 
Sarajevo

sometimes had Hebrew markings. 

The broader lessons of the intelligence report on Srebrenica are clear. Those who were 
able

to deploy intelligence power, including the Americans and their enemies, the Bosnian 
Serbs,

were both able to get their way. Conversely, the UN and the Dutch government were 
"deprived

of the means and capacity for obtaining intelligence" for the Srebrenica deployment, 
helping to explain why they blundered in, and contributed to the terrible events 
there. 

Secret intelligence techniques can be war-winning and life-saving. But they are not 
being 
properly applied. How the UN can have good intelligence in the context of 
multinational 
peace operations is a vexing question. Removing light weapons from a conflict can be
crucial to 
drawing it down. But the secret services of some states - including Israel and Iran - 
continue to be a major source of covert supply, pouring petrol on the flames of already
bitter 
conflicts. 

Richard J Aldrich is Professor of Politics at the University of Nottingham. His 'The 
Hidden

Hand: Britain, America and Cold War Secret Intelligence' is published in paperback by 
John 
Murray in August. 

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