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>"Three days of voting, staggered across 11 time zones and a vast stretch
of the Earth, could only lead to one outcome: An emphatic reelection
victory for Russian President Vladimir Putin. It was always clear that the
Kremlin would exult in the landslide mandate accorded to Putin, who
'contested' the vote against a handful of ciphers allowed to be presidential
candidates
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/interactive/presidential-candidates-2024/?itid=lk_inline_manual_4>
."

>"Thousands of Russians in big cities attempted to make their displeasure
known at both the nature of Putin’s regime and the ongoing war in Ukraine
by going to vote at noon Sunday
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/03/17/russia-presidential-election-putin-protest/?itid=lk_inline_manual_10>
 — a symbolic act of solidarity with the
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/obituaries/2024/02/16/alexei-navalny-dead-russian-opposition/?itid=lk_inline_manual_10>
 late
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/obituaries/2024/02/16/alexei-navalny-dead-russian-opposition/?itid=lk_inline_manual_10>pro-democracy
activist Alexei
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/obituaries/2024/02/16/alexei-navalny-dead-russian-opposition/?itid=lk_inline_manual_10>

Navalny
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/obituaries/2024/02/16/alexei-navalny-dead-russian-opposition/?itid=lk_inline_manual_10>,
who had long called for fairer and freer elections in Russia before dying
in captivity. Many spoiled their ballots. Russian authorities clamped down
on other forms of dissent and tried to encourage voters to go to the polls
ahead of the designated protest time."


>"That need to cling to hope is profound and meaningful for anybody
struggling under an authoritarian regime. And, on a global scale, the need
to locate such hope is becoming more necessary. As already outlined in
Today’s WorldView
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/01/03/2024-elections-us-eu-portugal-austria-bangladesh-india-south-africa-indonesia-mexico-taiwan/?itid=lk_inline_manual_14>,
the bumper year of elections worldwide in 2024 comes at a moment of
'democratic recession,' with the health of democracies around the world in
notable decline."


>"V-Dem [Institute, a leading center for the analysis of comparative
politics at Sweden’s University of Gothenburg,] found
<https://www.gu.se/en/news/democratic-backslide-a-threat-to-free-elections-globally>that
governments in 24 countries are increasingly 'encroaching upon the autonomy
of election management bodies,' undermining integrity in elections and
casting doubt over the independence of the commissions that conduct them."


>"In V-Dem’s analysis, the greatest source of concern is India
<https://thewire.in/rights/india-autocratiser-v-dem-report-2023>, where the
ruling Hindu nationalists under Prime Minister Narendra Modi look set to
tighten an already outsize grip on power in upcoming elections. Some 42
countries are 'autocratizing,' according to V-Dem, and 71 percent of the
world’s population now lives in autocracies — up from 48 percent just a
decade ago."


>"Dictatorship or military rule, though, is not popular. And in its
open-ended questions
<https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2024/03/13/what-can-improve-democracy/?utm_source=AdaptiveMailer&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=24-03-13*20GLOBAL*20Global*20Democracy*20Open*20Ends*20GEN*20DISTR&org=982&lvl=100&ite=13530&lea=3238269&ctr=0&par=1&trk=__;JSUlJSUlJQ!!M9LbjjnYNg9jBDflsQ!FYTwub5Ly7-st2TwvYBAVIZXb7-AyORuHDILLPI0dTNgM9DGEjxdNWZ04AYo_NqE-3BjbV4hsVr8P2MrJR2BFp9l$>
 to respondents in two dozen countries, Pew found that people want more
responsive politicians in power, term limits and liberalizing government
forms. Putin’s Russia is hardly anyone’s ideal."

-----------------------------------------
By: Ishaan Tharoor
Published in: *The Washington Post*
Date: March 18, 2024

Three days of voting, staggered across 11 time zones and a vast stretch of
the Earth, could only lead to one outcome: An emphatic reelection victory
for Russian President Vladimir Putin. It was always clear that the Kremlin
would exult in the landslide mandate accorded to Putin, who “contested” the
vote against a handful of ciphers allowed to be presidential candidates
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/interactive/presidential-candidates-2024/?itid=lk_inline_manual_4>
. By Sunday evening, election officials announced
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/03/17/russia-presidential-election-putin-protest/?itid=lk_inline_manual_4>a
preliminary tally of that preordained result, reporting that Putin had won
more than 87 percent of the vote, with three-fourths of the vote counted.
State figures suggested a greater turnout
<https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/russias-presidential-vote-starts-final-day-with-accusations-kyiv-sabotage-2024-03-17/>
 than the previous presidential vote in 2018.


Even then, exiled watchdog groups reported
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/03/17/russia-presidential-election-putin-protest/?itid=lk_inline_manual_5>
 episodes of ballot-stuffing, voter intimidation at some polling stations
and other attempts at manipulation, including the alleged busing of Putin
supporters to vote multiple times at different locations. In areas of
Ukraine occupied and illegally annexed by Russia, observers recounted how
local authorities coerced people to participate
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/03/16/putin-election-voting-gunpoint-occupied-ukraine/?itid=lk_inline_manual_5>
 in the election at “gunpoint.”


Election officials were walking around the occupied town of Novomykolaivka,
a local official, who has since fled to other areas of Ukraine, told my
colleagues
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/03/16/putin-election-voting-gunpoint-occupied-ukraine/?itid=lk_inline_manual_8>,
“in a brigade accompanied by an armed soldier. He was carrying a weapon, so
it was a threat, not verbal, but in fact it was a threat of violence.”


Thousands of Russians in big cities attempted to make their displeasure
known at both the nature of Putin’s regime and the ongoing war in Ukraine
by going to vote at noon Sunday
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/03/17/russia-presidential-election-putin-protest/?itid=lk_inline_manual_10>
 — a symbolic act of solidarity with the
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/obituaries/2024/02/16/alexei-navalny-dead-russian-opposition/?itid=lk_inline_manual_10>
 late
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/obituaries/2024/02/16/alexei-navalny-dead-russian-opposition/?itid=lk_inline_manual_10>pro-democracy
activist Alexei
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/obituaries/2024/02/16/alexei-navalny-dead-russian-opposition/?itid=lk_inline_manual_10>

Navalny
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/obituaries/2024/02/16/alexei-navalny-dead-russian-opposition/?itid=lk_inline_manual_10>,
who had long called for fairer and freer elections in Russia before dying
in captivity. Many spoiled their ballots. Russian authorities clamped down
on other forms of dissent and tried to encourage voters to go to the polls
ahead of the designated protest time.


“I came here today to express my position and do my part to show that there
is still a political life in the country and that there are different
opinions,” a man named Nikolai told my colleagues
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/03/17/russia-presidential-election-putin-protest/?itid=lk_inline_manual_11>.
“It’s important to show that people are not alone and that there is still
support for this kind of action.”


That need to cling to hope is profound and meaningful for anybody
struggling under an authoritarian regime. And, on a global scale, the need
to locate such hope is becoming more necessary. As already outlined in
Today’s WorldView
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/01/03/2024-elections-us-eu-portugal-austria-bangladesh-india-south-africa-indonesia-mexico-taiwan/?itid=lk_inline_manual_14>,
the bumper year of elections worldwide in 2024 comes at a moment of
“democratic recession,” with the health of democracies around the world in
notable decline.


A new study this month from the V-Dem Institute, a leading center for the
analysis of comparative politics at Sweden’s University of Gothenburg, laid
out some of the worrying macro-indicators. The institute’s annual Democracy
Report
<https://www.democracywithoutborders.org/31900/democracy-declined-in-42-countries-in-2023-new-v-dem-report-says/>
 measures a democracy using a multidimensional data set based on a number
of factors, including the civil liberties and freedoms afforded to all
citizens, and their ability to participate in fair elections.


This year’s report found 35 countries witnessing a decline in free and fair
elections. In 2019, the number was only 16. An election in Putin’s Russia
is a foregone conclusion — a regime going through the motions of democracy
without any of its actual convictions. But other more genuine democracies
are trending in Putin’s direction: V-Dem found
<https://www.gu.se/en/news/democratic-backslide-a-threat-to-free-elections-globally>that
governments in 24 countries are increasingly “encroaching upon the autonomy
of election management bodies,” undermining integrity in elections and
casting doubt over the independence of the commissions that conduct them.


“The erosion of election quality is particularly alarming as elections can
either reinforce or counteract the autocratization trend,” the institute
noted. “Of over 60 countries holding national elections this year, 31 are
worsening on their democracy levels, while only three are improving.”


In V-Dem’s analysis, the greatest source of concern is India
<https://thewire.in/rights/india-autocratiser-v-dem-report-2023>, where the
ruling Hindu nationalists under Prime Minister Narendra Modi look set to
tighten an already outsize grip on power in upcoming elections. Some 42
countries are “autocratizing,” according to V-Dem, and 71 percent of the
world’s population now lives in autocracies — up from 48 percent just a
decade ago.


These findings dovetail with a gloomy Pew survey
<https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2024/02/28/representative-democracy-remains-a-popular-ideal-but-people-around-the-world-are-critical-of-how-its-working/>
 published last month. In polls put to respondents in a spread of 24
countries, researchers found that enthusiasm for “representative democracy”
has slipped since 2017, when the organization conducted a similar survey.
It found that a median 59 percent respondents were “dissatisfied with how
their democracy is functioning,” and that close to three-quarters of those
polled in countries as disparate as Argentina, Germany and Kenya felt that
elected officials “don’t care” what they think. More than 40 percent said
no political party in their country adequately reflects their views.


The survey found growing interest in alternatives to rule by elected
officials, including an embrace of technocracy or even an autocratic
strongman. “In 13 countries, a quarter or more of those surveyed think a
system in which a strong leader can make decisions without interference
from parliament or the courts is a good form of government,” noted Pew
<https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2024/02/28/representative-democracy-remains-a-popular-ideal-but-people-around-the-world-are-critical-of-how-its-working/>.
“In four of the eight middle-income nations in the study, at least half of
respondents express this view.”


Dictatorship or military rule, though, is not popular. And in its
open-ended questions
<https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2024/03/13/what-can-improve-democracy/?utm_source=AdaptiveMailer&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=24-03-13*20GLOBAL*20Global*20Democracy*20Open*20Ends*20GEN*20DISTR&org=982&lvl=100&ite=13530&lea=3238269&ctr=0&par=1&trk=__;JSUlJSUlJQ!!M9LbjjnYNg9jBDflsQ!FYTwub5Ly7-st2TwvYBAVIZXb7-AyORuHDILLPI0dTNgM9DGEjxdNWZ04AYo_NqE-3BjbV4hsVr8P2MrJR2BFp9l$>
 to respondents in two dozen countries, Pew found that people want more
responsive politicians in power, term limits and liberalizing government
forms. Putin’s Russia is hardly anyone’s ideal.

Ishaan Tharoor is a foreign affairs columnist at The Washington Post, where
he authors the Today's WorldView newsletter and column. In 2021, he won the
Arthur Ross Media Award in Commentary from the American Academy of
Diplomacy. He previously was a senior editor and correspondent at Time
magazine, based first in Hong Kong and later in New York

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