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PAS : KE ARAH PEMERINTAHAN ISLAM YANG ADIL
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By Iqbal Siddiqui
[Crescent International, May 16-31, 2000.]
Sudanese president general Omar Hassan al-Bashir, vice-president Ali
Osman
Mohammed Taha and other senior members of the Sudanese government were
expelled from the National Congress (NC), Sudan’s Islamic movement, by
its
Leadership Authority council at a meeting on May 9. The decision came
days after
Bashir tried to freeze the NC secretariat in an attempt to sideline NC
secretary
general Shaikh Hasan al-Turabi, the leader of Sudan’s Islamic movement.
Shaikh Turabi had already signalled the end of the relationship between
Sudan’s
Islamic movement and the government the previous day, when he told a
meeting of
students at the Qur’an al-Kareem & Islamic Sciences University that the
government had "contravened the constitution, effectively ripping it
apart and
disregarded the oath of the Islamic movement, the basic statute of the
NC and the
principles of shura (...) being moved by the lust of power".
In an interview with the Khaleej Times newspaper published on May 8,
Turabi had
acknowledged the possibility of armed conflict. He was quoted as saying
that "Any
possibility exists, including armed confrontation... All options exist,
including taking
to the streets. But we are trying to ensure that the people move towards
a goal."
He went on to say "If there is to be a revolution, it won’t just be
against the regime. God willing, it will be a penetrating
one, for the major cause which is Islam, and will come through the
elected leaders of the movement because they are the
legitimate leadership."
Another NC activist said on May 8 that "Lieut General Omar-Al-Bashir has
now chosen the path of ex-president Jaffer
Numeiri and opted for a centralised authoritarian military
dictatorship."
The latest crisis had begun on May 4, when Bashir accused Turabi of
plotting against the government in a meeting of the
leadership of the NC that Turabi did not attend. Word of the meeting and
Bashir’s accusations quickly flooded the city,
followed closely by rumours of a pending crackdown on Turabi’s followers
within the NC. Turabi himself was reported to
be expecting to be put under arrest.
Two days later, on May 6, Bashir announced the suspension of the NC
leadership in a frenzied television interview in
which he accused Turabi of interfering in the running of the state. At
the same time, Sudanese police and troops
surrounded the NC headquarters in Khartoum. The offices of the party’s
secretaries in the country’s 26 provinces were
also closed down "by force of arms" according to reports. Turabi’s
followers were prevented from holding press
conferences at the headquarters of Turabi’s deputy, general Ali al-Haj
Mohamed.
The following morning, May 7, amidst continuing tension, four newspapers
— the Islamic paper Alwan, along with Al-Rai
Al-Akher, Al-Wifaq and Al-Sahafi Al-Dawli — were confiscated from the
presses without being distributed, for carrying
Turabi’s statements condemning the crackdown. Information minister Ghazi
Salah Eddin Atabani said that "the chief
editors were summoned to a meeting Saturday and cautioned to observe the
existing state of emergency under the present
circumstances, but the chief editors of those four dailies have failed
to comply". However, an unauthorised edition of
Alwan was distributed in Khartoum later in the day.
Thousands of Turabi’s supporters gathered outside his home in Khartoum
later on May 7, chanting slogans against Bashir
and pledging allegiance to Turabi to fight him. Demonstrations also took
place in other cities.
The events clearly stem from the conflict between the two leaders which
blew up with Bashir’s ‘coup’ against Turabi in
December. That crisis lasted until a settlement was reached in February.
However, Bashir clearly remained determined to
ditch Turabi one way or another. On April 24, Bashir had announced that
presidential and parliamentary elections would
be to be held in October. This was against the previously announced
plans, and criticised by most other leaders and
parties in the country.
There was an immediate movement within the NC to reconsider last year’s
decision — taken before the December crisis
raised tensions within the movement to a new level — that Bashir should
be the movement’s only candidate in the
presidential elections. Many NC members wanted him to be replaced by
Turabi, or for Turabi to run as well. It appears
that this factor determined Bashir to break with Turabi once and for
all.
Bashir’s declaration of war on Turabi was welcomed by other Arab
countries, who have long been worried about the role
of the Islamic movement in Sudan’s government. During the December
crisis, the Qatar foreign minister attempted to
mediate between Bashir and Turabi. Among his proposals was that Turabi
should retire from politics in Sudan and move
to Qatar. This clearly indicated that Bashir was no longer willing to
work with Turabi on any terms. Since then it has only
been a matter of time before a total break came.
What form the Islamic struggle in Sudan will now take remains to be
seen; what is certain is that the Islamic movement
faces a hard time to recover from this blow. What lessons they will
learn from the experience remain to be seen.
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