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Drought in Jharkhand: A recurring and poorly managed tragedy





Drought is a recurrent phenomenon in Jharkhand. It affects the livelihoods
of the majority of its people, particularly tribals and dalits living in
rural areas. Twelve of the 22 districts of the state, covering 43% of the
total land area, are covered under the Drought Prone Areas Programme (DPAP).
Hunger and starvation deaths are reported almost every year.



Jharkhand is one of the richest states in the country in terms of natural
resources. However, the rate of growth in agriculture has been one of the
slowest in the country both in terms of production and productivity. Almost
90% of the cultivated area is monocropped. Only 9% of the total cropped area
is irrigated. Hence the rural population is very vulnerable to rainfall
fluctuations.



The worst-affected are primitive tribal groups which historically are late
entrants to settled cultivation and own land on hilly slopes with very low
fertility. Tribals constitute around 26% of the total population of the
state, and 93% of them live in rural areas.



Another group that is severely affected is the scheduled castes, primarily
agricultural workers with very little land.



Nature of drought



Jharkhand receives almost 1200-1300 mm of rainfall every year but the rains
are erratic in many areas. The probability of rainfall failures and
coefficient of variations is quite high in the last weeks of June-July and
in the last weeks of September-October. Hence, drought in the state
primarily occurs at the start or end of the kharif season.



In July, upland crops grow to maturity and seedlings for transplanted rice
are established. If there is deficient rain, the upland crop—mainly paddy
and maize, which provides food security in August-September— is affected.
Seedlings for the transplanted paddy start to wilt or become over-mature.



As most of the land is monocropped, the lowland paddy is crucial for
employment and food security. A delay in rainfall affects the
transplantation of agahani paddy, the major crops in the area.



October (Hathia) rains are required for paddy and provide the necessary
residual moisture for the rabi crop.



The entire state is not generally affected by drought. However, there are
areas which are affected frequently. Over a period of time, new areas become
affected by drought, and we see that drought has been officially declared in
areas outside the DPAP.



When the rains fail, agriculture is usually the first to be affected because
of its critical dependence on stored soil water. First, soil water in the
uplands starts to deplete. Then shortage of water starts to affect people
collectively and individually. The socio-economic impact of drought occurs
sooner in Jharkhand than in other states as frequent droughts have weakened
the capacity of the people to bear shock.



While drought is basically caused by erratic and deficient rain, the problem
has been aggravated by large-scale open-cast mining; deforestation;
irregular and non-scientific mining and quarrying; inefficient management of
resources, particularly water resources; and decline in traditional systems
of water management.



Impact of drought



Jharkhand is one of the most food-insecure and malnourished states in the
country. NSSO (55th round) data reveal that 10.46% of all households in
Jharkhand face seasonal food insecurity. Around 2.5% of households face
chronic food shortages. Of the families facing food insecurity, 64% face
food shortages for two to three months while as many as 28% do not have
sufficient food for four to five months. Almost 6% of the food-deficient
households have to go hungry for more than half the year. The incidence of
food insecurity is higher among ST and SC families.



Assured food supplies exist for only three to four months of the year, after
the harvest in late October-early November. Food supplies tend to run short
by the end of winter. The starvation period begins by mid-summer (June) and
in many cases, continues till the end of October. Seasonal under-nutrition
among food-insecure households is normal. People belonging to scheduled
castes and primitive tribal groups are worst-affected as they are generally
landless and depend on migratory employment for an income. When earning
members of a family are unable to migrate due to ill health or other
reasons, the entire family faces starvation.





The situation obviously becomes much worse when there is a drought. Drought
affects all communities but in different ways. Among landless, marginal and
small families, male members start to migrate early. Females and the aged
are often left behind to take care of themselves. In 2004, some of the
starvation deaths reported have been of women and the aged— for example the
death of Tetari Devi in Ulgara (Mangalpur panchayat, Panki block) and
Padarath Giri in Rajarappa (Ramgarh block).



Landless, marginal and small farmers reduce their consumption of cereals,
pulses and other items. The consumption of irregular foods like khuddi
(broken rice), wild roots, gethi, chakora sag, and other forest produce
increases (in some areas people eat these even in normal times). People add
more water to dilute the foodgrain.



A decrease in employment opportunities leads to a reduction in wages. People
resort to the distress sale of assets, cattle and fuelwood and increase the
frequency of trips to the forests for sustenance. The rate of interest on
borrowings rises.



Drought also increases health risks from malnutrition and unsafe drinking
water.





Medium and large farmers are unable to transplant paddy. The risk of
cattle-grazing increases due to reduced social fencing. The crop becomes
vulnerable to pests and termites and attack by wild animals that come close
to habitation in search of water and food. Theft of standing crops
increases. Decrease in the purchase of durable goods and clothes and
postponement of social functions is reported.



Drought management: Household strategies





As drought is a frequent phenomenon in Jharkhand, households, the state and
civil society organisations have evolved various strategies for coping
before and after drought.



At the household level, the strategies adopted before drought include:



   - crop diversification/ crop variety diversification
   - livelihood diversification
   - staggering of seedling periods
   - early migration
   - keeping land fallow
   - limited re-sowing.



Strategies adopted after drought sets in include:



   - increased re-sowing if the rains come
   - shift to pulses on upland and medium-level land
   - early sowing of rabi crop
   - providing irrigation to paddy seedlings
   - transplantation of over-mature paddy seedlings to get straw for feeding
   animals
   - migration
   - asset depletion
   - increased borrowings
   - reduction in consumption

In fragile zones and among the poorest households, reduction in consumption
is the ultimate coping mechanism.





State strategies



When Jharkhand was part of Bihar, drought was not considered as major an
issue as recurrent floods in northern Bihar. After Jharkhand became a
separate state, many drought-prevention measures like promotion of watershed
management and minor irrigation projects; restoration of lift irrigation
schemes, wells and tanks and bench terracing have been promoted. The state
government has reorganised the Relief and Rehabilitation Department and a
Disaster Management Wing is expected to be formed.



However, the government's response to drought remains poor. The following
issues need to be highlighted:



Poor recognition of drought



Recognition of drought has two aspects – spatial (identifying areas with
deficient rainfall) and temporal (identifying the time drought sets in).
Recognition of drought according to these parameters has been unsatisfactory
in Jharkhand.



At the start of the monsoon, weekly reports on crop coverage and rainfall
should be prepared. However, due to lack of staff and infrastructure at the
block level, the reporting is poor. For instance, in 2004, blocks like
Chainpur and Satbarwa in Palamu faced severe scarcity and loss of crop
coverage, but they were not declared drought-hit as the block staff could
not work due to the pressure of Naxalites.



This apart, the quality and need for reporting crop coverage has declined as
land has become an insignificant source of revenue.



Another problem is that rainfall variations within a block are not
recognised. For example, people in Patamada village near the Dalma mountain
claim they get less rainfall than the rest of the block. As the rainfall
gauge is normally located at the block office such variation is undetected.
While it may not be possible to have rain gauges in all villages, rainfall
variations can be reported through local enquiries.



In August 2004, the whole of Jharkhand was declared drought-affected. Later
there was good rainfall in some areas and the crop coverage improved,
whereas there was no improvement in the rest of the state. The official
declaration of drought has not taken into account differences in the
severity of drought. In any case, the severity of drought is fully known
only after the winter paddy is harvested. But by then the political pressure
to declare an area drought-hit is reduced.



The declaration of drought has been ad hoc. At times drought is declared at
the level of blocks. Last year drought was declared at the panchayat level.
Significantly, the state Directorate of Agriculture (DoA) does not have
block-wise, let alone panchayat-wise, data of crop coverage.



No effort has been made to recognise areas where over 75% of the crop has
been lost in successive years. Such loss would warrant the declaration of
famine even if the areas are small.



Delayed and inadequate action





Once drought is declared, emergency funds have to be requisitioned. However,
in 2001, while drought was declared in the first week of August, the first
instalment of funds for the construction of wells in each panchayat was
released only in October 2002. The purpose of providing immediate relief was
defeated.



Ten quintals of grain were allotted to each panchayat so that people do not
die of starvation. However some block officials said that they did not have
godowns to store the grain. Besides, they had directions to store the grain
only, not distribute it!



There is also a time-lag between the planning and implementation of the
DoA's relief package. Seeds distributed under the package reach blocks late;
in some cases the seeds are not received at all.



The allocation of funds for drought relief is inadequate and improper. For
example, in 2004 the area-wise allocation of funds was based on population
rather than the severity of drought.



Non-participative planning



Plans for drought-proofing and emergency measures are made by the DoA in
consultation with some top officials and some large NGOs. District and block
officers and farmers are hardly consulted. Farmer meetings are held only
after the plan is finalised. Recently some mechanisms have been put in place
to talk to farmers about their immediate needs but these are at a
rudimentary state.



Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) do not function in Jharkhand as PRI
elections have not been held in the last 25 years. Hence people have no
forum to participate in the planning and implementation of local-level
projects. The absence of PRIs also makes it difficult for the government to
allot funds and fix responsibility.



Poor implementation of drought relief measures



In 2001-02 the state government allocated Rs 77.4 million for digging small
wells in each panchayat in drought-affected blocks. An additional sum of Rs
241.7 million was allotted in 2002-03. However against the target of 5,040
wells, only 2,458 were constructed.



In 2002-03, a scheme was launched to dig one pond in each village of Palamu
and Santhal Parganas through gram sabhas. A large number of works remain
incomplete.



In 2004 around Rs 800 million was allotted from the Calamity Relief Fund.
But relief work has hardly begun in many areas. Ten quintals of grain have
been kept at the panchayat level to give to families in distress. In many
villages families have not been given that grain. The government is yet to
evolve a foolproof mechanism for identifying distressed families, though
this is mandatory under the Famine Code. Surveys to identify hungry families
have been conducted by district administrations but in the absence of PRIs,
the participation of people has been low and remote areas have hardly been
covered.



Poor implementation of wage employment programmes



The implementation of wage employment programmes, which can provide relief
in drought years has been poor in Jharkhand. In some cases machines have
been used to get work done, defeating the purpose of providing employment to
people. There are numerous allegations of under-payment of wages and forging
of muster rolls.



The Supreme Court has directed the central government to double the quota of
grain given through wage employment programmes, but Jharkhand has not been
able to take advantage of the extra allocation as it has not been able to
utilise the grain quota given earlier.



The state does not have adequate storage capacity in Food Corporation of
India godowns. As a result, grain cannot be released in time.



Poor interdepartmental cooperation



There is poor coordination between the DoA, which is supposed to play a key
role in the declaration of drought and drought crop management, and other
departments involved, such as minor irrigation, electric supply, rural
development, soil conservation, cooperation, civil supplies and the forest
department.



Outdated Famine Relief Code



The government of Jharkhand has not made concerted efforts to modify and
review the Famine Relief Code framed during British times.



Ramesh Sharan is with the Department of Economics, Ranchi University.



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