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Sent: Wednesday, March 28, 2001 7:49 AM
Subject: [downwithcapitalism] FW: Putin's Legitimacy Challenged (con't.)






One year later.........................



Moscow Times archives. Excerpts.

Saturday, Sep. 9, 2000.

The Moscow Times has documented enough falsification in the March 26
presidential election to question the legitimacy of the vote.

Abdulla Magomedov, a 42-year-old police officer and a father of three,
was on duty guarding the entrance to a government building in Dagestan
when two Volgas pulled up---one black, the other white. Three men and a
woman got out, flashed government ID cards to enter the building, and
then reemerged carrying large sacks.

"I am supposed to control anything leaving the building," Magomedov
recalled. "I checked what was in the bags. They were stuffed with
ballots filled in for [Communist candidate Gennady] Zyuganov, with the
seals and signs of polling stations, I know how they look, I was an
observer at the elections."

It was 11 a.m. on Sunday, April 16, three weeks after the March 26
election that had confirmed Vladimir Putin in office with 52.94 percent
of the vote...

April was dry in Makhachkala, and on a visit later that month to the
site of [a] fire [where Zyuganov's ballots were burned] indicated by
Magomedov, The Moscow Times was able to collect the ashes of the
ballots. The names of the candidates in the March 26 elections can be
clearly seen.

Were 1.3 million voters simply made up and added to the elections
rolls? It sure looks that way.

Russian and foreign demographic experts have wondered how 1.3 million
new voters could have materialized in just three months last winter.
Perhaps they could find enlightenment by talking with Alkhat Zaripov, a
65-year-old pensioner who lives in a multistory apartment block in
Kazan.

"I came to vote, but suddenly I noticed that there were extra apartments
registered in the form where we all sign and give our passport details,"
said Zaripov, in an April interview outside his apartment at 107 Ulitsa
Fuchika.

Zaripov remembered being confused: The form listed 209 apartments in the
building, while he knew in reality there were only 180 apartments there.
Twenty-nine apartments, filled no doubt with at least 60 or 70 fictional
voters, had apparently been created by the imagination of the local
election precinct.

A list for the apartment block next door, a building that held 108
apartments, recorded that it had 125.

Zaripov said he asked for an explanation, but a commission member just
picked up the form and walked away.

"This is a lie! Why is this called democratic elections?" Zaripov said.

Officially, 108,073,956 voters were registered for the 1999 Duma
elections---of which 66,667,682, or 61.69 percent, actually voted. By
March 26, just three months later, the CEC was reporting 109,372,046, of
which 75,070,776, or 68.64 percent, participated.

In other words, an additional 1.3 million voters appeared on the rolls.

Able to obtain only a fraction of the protocols, Alexander Salys Duma
commission has resorted to extrapolating from the roughly 88,000 stolen
votes he has documented to conclude that 700,000 votes were stolen
across Dagestan. A more conservative guesstimate by The Moscow Times
puts the figure at 551,000.

... "They [territorial commission members] tried to get me drunk on
election day," said Abdusalam Magomedov, a private businessman and
member of Makhachkalas Leninsky territorial commission, noted foul play
in his district. He was also in touch with observers who were stationed
at the 23 polling stations that make up the Leninsky district
territorial commission. They said the tallies at each of the polling
stations were padded. In the district of 71,114 registered voters,
observers said that 14,000 votes, or nearly 20 percent of the vote were
forged.

On March 22, as the Saransk Communist Party was preparing for the
presidential elections, the local police sent them a warning.

"At 6 a.m. four days before the elections, our office was broken into by
the police," said Valentina Lyukzayeva, a secretary of Saransk Communist
Party and a deputy in the local legislative assembly.

"One of our men spotted them and called me. When I got there they were
searching around and, in a mocking way, said they had gotten a bomb
threat," said Lyukzayeva. "Around the same time they broke into the
homes of our [political] activists as well. We all told our relatives
not to open the door. I was afraid for my daughter. It was an obvious
warning telling us to sit still."

Indeed, according to Lyukzayeva, the administration in this region 500
kilometers southeast of Moscow did everything they could to make sure
that people voted for Vladimir Putin:

 Employees of the housing maintenance services were sent from door to
door asking people for whom they were planning to vote. Even after the
local Communists reported several complaints to the election commission,
the visits didn't stop.

 Older residents were threatened that they would not get their pensions
if they didn't vote for Putin, Lyukzayeva said, citing one incident in
her home village of Permiyevo where the head of the collective farm
warned residents that if they voted for Zyuganov---and he would find out
if they did---they would not get tractors for planting or cars needed to
carry wood or food. "Of course the villagers, most of whom are old
women, got frightened and voted for Putin," she said.

 To further push the message, many local administrations sent
representatives to sit at the polling stations during election day.

... Olga Tarasova, a poll observer for Yabloko, says the blatant
stacking of votes in Putin's favor she saw going on in Tatarstan makes
her feel sick to her stomach.

"Before they threw me out at 9:45 p.m., I saw [precinct] commission
members quietly taking piles of ballots for Yavlinsky and other
candidates from the counting tables to another room," Tarasova said by
telephone from Mendeleyevsk, Naberezhniye Chelny.

"Then they brought back equally sized piles of ballots, which they put
in Putin's pile," she said.

... Yabloko observer Oleg Bashkatov from the neighboring No. 1976
district also signed the complaint. He wrote he was forced out of the
precinct by one of his bosses during the counting of ballots.

"When I was leaving, I noticed that there were about 40 ballots in the
pile for Yavlinsky," Bashkatov wrote. "But in the final count, there
were only 15."

At the precincts where Communists had observers, Communist candidate
Gennady Zyuganov got from 30 percent to 40 percent of the votes and
Vladimir Putin from 55 percent to 65 percent, according to local
Communist Party representatives. For example, at the No. 242 precinct in
Kazan, 400 votes were cast for Putin and 242 for Zyuganov while at the
No. 1166 precinct in the rural Buinsky district, Putin got 369 votes and
Zyuganov 296 votes.

But the difference widened tremendously at the unobserved stations.

Zyuganov got 1.2 percent of votes while Putin walked away with 85.1
percent in the No. 159 district of Kirovsky in Kazan. Likewise, Zyuganov
got only 8.6 percent while Putin 84.3 percent in the No. 155 precinct in
the same region.

In the more rural areas, the difference grew even more...

Khalyaf Gafurov says he has concrete proof that election fraud took
place at his village in Bashkortostan: Only one vote for Gannady
Zyuganov showed up in the official tally, but he knows that both he and
his wife voted for the Communist candidate.

Now 12 other people from the village in the Arkhangelsk district of
Bashkortostan have also signed a statement that they cast ballots for
Zyuganov.

Gafurov said those votes had simply been thrown away by the elections
commission, as had Communist votes at the No. 1594 precinct in
neighboring Tavakachevo. He said a friend, a teacher who served as an
elections commission member, was forced to stand by and watch as ballots
for Zyuganov were thrown away by the commission head and an equal number
of ballots for Vladimir Putin were put in.

... Ask anyone in Chechnya about the presidential elections and his or
her answer will be the same: Chechens did not elect Vladimir Putin. But
nonetheless, he won in Chechnya with just over 50 percent of the vote.

"The person who sent troops to Chechnya, who destroyed everything around
us and caused thousands of civilians to die---how could we vote for
him?" said 38-year-old Grozny resident Saikhan Taramov. "I firmly
believe that the presidential elections were 100 percent forged in
Chechnya."

Ikhvan Kharikhanov, a resident of Grozny's Zavodskoi district, said he
was not even given the chance to cast a ballot.

"When after lunch I came to our polling station, I found out there were
no spare ballots. They had already been cast for us by the commission. I
guess they all were signed for Putin," said Kharikhanov.

According to Salman Vakhayev, only 0.01 percent of the people living in
his Grozny suburb supported Putin.

... Surprisingly, some officials close to Tatarstan's central elections
commission acknowledge that falsification took place.

... It took next to a miracle to land an interview with the head of a
local elections commission in Dagestan. Eager to hold onto their jobs
and afraid for their families, many refused to talk. But one brave soul,
under strict condition of anonymity, agreed to reveal how elections were
falsified.

"Our political system is the root of the evil here... There are no laws
here--- the boss is the law. No one needs you to get the job done right;
what they need is your obsequiousness and obedience," said the head of
the commission. "In Dagestan, about 65 percent of the workforce does not
have jobs; it is easy to replace the disobedient."

... "There was complete fraud throughout the republic. Pressure was put
on all mid-level directors of factories, etc. They were told they must
obey or be fired. In this system everything is controlled by the local
administrations. They are the ones to compile the final [election]
results. They destroyed ballots for Zyuganov and other [candidates] and
added the necessary number for Putin."

"They told us to use any tricks we could not to give copies of the
protocols [to observers] on election day until the administration could
straighten out the results the next morning," he said. "We could bring
them, say, 64 percent [of the vote] for Putin and they would reject it
and demand we increase the percentage."


.....................................................


Conclusion. Saturday, Oct. 28, 2000.

On Sept. 9, The Moscow Times published an eight-page article detailing
fraud in the March presidential election. The article concluded that,
given Vladimir Putins narrow 2.2 million-vote margin of victory, fraud
put him over the top. The article also reported that if not for fraud,
Putin would have faced Communist Gennady Zyuganov in a run-off and most
likely would have won anyway. And it explored the Wests unwillingness
to address the fact of widespread fraud and vote manipulation...


<>--<>--<>--<>--<>--<>--<>--<>--<>--<>--<>--<>--<>--<>--<>--<>


Any comparison to the November 2000 U.S. election is strictly formal.
Both Gore and Bush represented powerful factions within the U.S.
capitalist class. Whoever received the job of ventriloquist dummy, the
capitalist class as a whole would remain at the helm of state---and
world.

In Russia, a qualitative difference occurred: at least HALF the
population voted for the Communist Party---despite the 'repressive'
history of the CPSU. The conclusion of the Moscow Times, that Putin
would have 'most likely would have won anyway,' is arbitrary.

It was close. And 'it' was nothing less than a democratic repudiation of
capitalism itself.

None of this is an explicit endorsement of Zyuganov or the CPR.* That's
not the point. The point is: Zyuganov and the CPR is the best MASS party
Russia can produce at the moment (a dire moment), and the 50%---or
more---of the Russian people who voted for him were voting---attempting
to vote---against capitalism.

This fact alone conclusively demolishes any talk that 'communism is
dead.'

Spread the word.

* More info: <http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Lobby/3198/>.




















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