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Sunday, January 20, 2002 12:24 PM


US in replay of the 'Great Game'
Costs and consequences of American engagement in Central Asia begin to
become clear

Afghanistan - Observer special

Edward Helmore Almaty, Kazakhstan
Sunday January 20, 2002
The Observer 

They are shadowy figures just visible from the perimeter of the windswept
airbase outside the Kyrgyz capital of Bishkek - United States troops
unloading supplies.

As the war in Afghanistan becomes a mopping-up operation, the US has stepped
up troop deployments in the region, in what Russia and China fear is an
effort to secure dominant influence over their backyards, a region rich in
oil and gas reserves.

In the past weeks, diplomats and generals from all three countries have
streamed into Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The war on
terrorism has turned the Central Asian republics from backwaters into prizes
overnight. 

In a letter to the New York Times last week, former Iraq arms inspector
Richard Butler warned that the 'Great Game' between Britain and Russia over
the Indian sub-continent in the nineteenth century may now be replayed, with
Russia and the US as the dominant players. 'Now the prize is oil - getting
it and transporting it - and Afghanistan is again the contested territory,'
Butler wrote. 

>From Africa to the Philippines, South America and Central Asia, unease is
growing over the way the US is flexing its military and political muscle.

In the Philippines, a dispute has erupted over the impending deployment of
650 US troops to help combat the Abu Sayyaf Islamic insurgency. In Saudi
Arabia, too, public concern over the presence of US troops and Washington's
future global ambitions has led officials to declare that the US may have
overstayed its welcome.

What worries these countries is that when American troops come, they stay.

On a swing through the former Soviet republics last week, US Senate majority
leader Tom Daschle confirmed Washington's long-term interests when he told
Uzbek leaders that the US presence 'is not simply in the immediate term'.

Since October, the US has established open-ended military presences in
Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, and is now understood to be
negotiating with Kazakhstan's President Nursultan Nazarbayev to send Kazakh
troops to Afghanistan and to construct a military base.

'It is clear that the continuing war in Afghanistan is no more than a veil
for the US to establish political dominance in the region,' a Kazakh
government source said. 'The war on terrorism is only a pretext for
extending influence over our energy resources.'

Kazakhstan's oil reserves could be the third largest in the world. Moreover,
the Afghan conflict has made the prospect of the US-favoured route of a
pipeline through Afghanistan and Pakistan a potential reality.

Over the past month, the Chinese Prime Minister Zhu Rongji has signalled his
country's wariness over a long-term US presence by sending delegations to
the former Soviet republics, and by convening a meeting of the regional
Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO).

Reacting to reports that the US was about to deploy in Kazakhstan, the chief
of the general staff of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, General Fu
Quanyou, warned such a move 'poses a direct threat to China's security'.
Beijing is understood to be mainly concerned that instability caused by
radicals among the Uighur Muslims on its western borders could derail its
modernisation. 

Russia has also expressed unease about the growing Western presence -
painfully aware that it does not have the resources to pit itself against
the US. 

'They are unhappy about the US presence, but not too publicly because
[President Vladimir] Putin wants to be seen as an active participant in the
coalition aginst terrorism,' says Margot Light, professor of international
relations at the London School of Economics. 'The speed at which the US
established coalition-backed military forces in the region has served to
make the Russian failure all the more spectacular.'

Last week on the ancient, frozen Silk Road over the Alatau mountains from
Kazakhstan to China, it was easy to see how the US presence plays into
Chinese fears: large lorries loaded with Chinese goods streamed across the
border toward Almaty as high-flying US B-52s flew westwards towards home.

America has not sought to hide the fact that it intends to remain in the
region, even after its 'battle against terrorism' has been won. To local
Kyrgyz and Russians, the spectacle of beefy US soldiers opens a new
perspective. 

'They are making themselves at home, going to cafes, exchanging money,
leafing through the newspapers,' one local resident said recently. 'They are
the good guys, who beat the terrorists. They go to the village to stock up
on goods. Local people hope for dollar opportunities.'

But some Russian leaders have begun to speak out. Last week the Speaker of
the Russian parliament, Gennady Seleznyov, said Russia 'would not approve of
permanent United States military bases in Central Asia'. And Russia's border
guard commander, Konstantin Totsky, warned the US presence could only be
tolerated for the duration of the anti-terrorist operation.

However, the Russian protestations have been undermined by allegations of
influence-peddling in the area. Recent reports suggest that as recently as
two years ago Russian forces aided members of the al-Qaeda-affiliated
Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan in guerrilla operations in Uzbekistan,
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in order to foster insecurity and thus coax its
former provinces into accepting protection.

Still, human rights groups are already complaining that in the rush to
secure influence, the US is ignoring human rights abuses, corruption and
weak democratic processes in the region.

There is further concern that active support of the US by Muslim countries
with nascent Islamic fundamentalist movements serves only to inflame their
problems. 

'The Central Asian governments are being misguided because their own
insurgency movements are likely to only grow with the presence of US
military,' says Light.


Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2002

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