Counting Iraqi Casualties -- and a Media Controversy 
http://www.editorandpublisher.com/eandp/columns/shoptalk_display.jsp?vnu_content_id=1003711142
   
  The author commissioned the "Lancet" study recently attacked in a National 
Journal report and by the Wall Street Journal. He calls the criticism a 
"hatchet job," fraudulent or based on innuendo. 

By John Tirman 

(February 14, 2008) -- (Commentary) One puzzling aspect of the news media’s 
coverage of the Iraq war is their squeamish treatment of Iraqi casualties. The 
scale of fatalities and wounded is a difficult number to calculate, but its 
importance should be obvious. Yet, apart from some rare and sporadic attention 
to mortality figures, the topic is virtually absent from the airwaves and news 
pages of America. This absence leaves the field to gross misunderstandings, 
ideological agendas, and political vendettas. 

The upshot is that the American public—and U.S. policy makers, for that 
matter—are badly informed on a vital dimension of the war effort. 

As an academic interested in the war’s violence, I commissioned a household 
survey in October 2005 to gauge mortality, and I naturally turned to the best 
professionals available—the Johns Hopkins University epidemiologists who had 
conducted such surveys before in Iraq, Congo, and elsewhere. Their survey of 
1,850 households resulted in a shocking number: 600,000 dead by violence in the 
first 40 months of the war. The survey was extensively peer reviewed and 
published in the British medical journal, the Lancet, in October 2006.

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The findings caused a ripple of interest (in part because President Bush, 
during a press conference, called the results “not credible”) and stirred a 
very lively debate among the few people interested in the methods. By and 
large, however, the survey passed from public view fairly quickly, and the news 
media continued to cite the very low numbers produced by the Iraq Body Count, a 
U.K.-based NGO that counts civilian deaths through English-language newspaper 
reports. 

Another survey, this one undertaken by a private U.K. firm, Opinion Business 
Research (ORB), found more than one million dead through August 2007. Yet 
another, a much larger house-to-house survey was conducted by the Iraq Ministry 
of Health (MoH). This also found a sizable mortality figure—400,000 “excess 
deaths” (the number above the pre-war death rate), but estimated 151,000 killed 
by violence. The period covered was the same as the survey published in The 
Lancet, but was not released until January 2008.

The ORB results were almost totally ignored in the American press, and the MoH 
numbers, which did get one-day play, were covered incompletely. Virtually no 
newspaper report dug into the data tables of the Iraqi MoH report, published in 
the New England Journal of Medicine, for that total excess mortality figure, or 
to ask why the MoH report showed a flat rate for killing throughout the war 
when every other account shows sharp increases through 2005 and 2006. The 
logical explanation for this discrepancy is that people responding to 
interviewers from the government, and a ministry controlled by Moktada al Sadr, 
would not want to admit that their loved one died by violence. There were, 
instead, very large numbers of dead by road accidents and “unintentional 
injuries.” The American press completely missed this.

What some in the news media did not miss, however, was a full-scale assault on 
the legitimacy of the Lancet article by the National Journal, the “insider” 
Capitol Hill weekly. 

The attack, by reporters Carl Cannon and Neil Munro, which was largely built on 
persistent complaints of two critics and heaps of innuendo, was largely 
ignored—its circulation is only about 10,000—until the Wall Street Journal 
picked up on one bit of their litany: that “George Soros” funded the survey. 
“The Lancet study was funded by anti-Bush partisans and conducted by antiwar 
activists posing as objective researchers,” said the January 9, 2008, editorial 
(titled “The Lancet’s Political Hit”) and concluded: “the Lancet study could 
hardly be more unreliable.” The editorial created sensation in the right-wing 
blogosphere and in several allied news outlets. 

Let me convey what I thought was a simple and unremarkable fact I told Munro in 
an interview in November and one of the Lancet authors emailed Cannon the 
details of how the survey was funded. My center at MIT used internal funds to 
underwrite the survey. More than six months after the survey was commissioned, 
the Open Society Institute, the charitable foundation begun by Soros, provided 
a grant to support public education efforts of the issue. We used that to pay 
for some travel for lectures, a web site, and so on. 

OSI, much less Soros himself (who likely was not even aware of this small 
grant), had nothing to do with the origination, conduct, or results of the 
survey. The researchers and authors did not know OSI, among other donors, had 
contributed. And we had hoped the survey’s findings would appear earlier in the 
year but were impeded by the violence in Iraq. All of this was told repeatedly 
to Munro and Cannon, but they choose to falsify the story. Charges of political 
timing were especially ludicrous, because we started more than a year before 
the 2006 election and tried to do the survey as quickly as possible. It was 
published when the data were ready.

The New York Post and the Sunday Times of London, both owned by Rupert Murdoch, 
followed the WSJ editorial and trumpeted the Soros connection and the supposed 
“fraud” which Munro and Cannon hinted. “$OROS IRAQ DEATH STORY WAS A SHAM” was 
a headline in the Post, which was followed by a story in which scarcely 
anything stated was true. 

The charges of “fraud” that were also central to the National Journal piece 
were based on distortions or ignorance of statistical method, such as random 
sampling and sample size, or speculations about Iraqi field researchers 
fabricating data. Nothing close to proof of misdeeds was ever offered. 

The two principal authors, Gilbert Burnham and Les Roberts, parried the fraud 
charges effectively on their web site and in letters to the editors, but of 
course these are rarely noticed as much as the original charges. Those charges 
were wholly speculative and at times based on small irregularities in the 
collection of data, hardly a crime in the midst of the bloodiest period of the 
war. For example, some death certificates were not collected from respondents; 
about 80 percent of the time they were. (In the Iraqi MoH survey, death 
certificates were never collected, making their claims about violence v. 
nonviolent causes unconfirmable.) 

In any case, the many peer reviews of The Lancet article, including one by a 
special committee of the World Health Organization, gave the survey methods and 
operations passing grades. 

Munro then went on the Glenn Beck program and suggested the Iraqi researchers 
were unreliable (“without U.S. supervision”) and that the Lancet authors “made 
it clear they wanted this study published before the election.” Both of those 
assertions are untrue. Beck then repeated these allegations on his radio 
program, and added that there was no peer review of the fatality figures, 
another falsehood, and “we’re getting it jammed down our throat by people who 
are undercover who are pulling purse strings, who are manipulating the news.” 

The charge, repeated in all these media, that the Iraqi research leader, Riyadh 
Lafta, M.D., operated “without U.S. supervision” and was therefore suspect is 
particularly interesting. Munro, in a note to National Review Online, asserted 
that Lafta “said Allah guided the prior 2004 Lancet/Johns Hopkins 
death-survey,” which he also had noted in the National Journal piece. When he 
interviewed me he pestered me about two anonymous donors, demanding to know if 
either were Arab or Muslim. A pattern here is visible, one which reeks of 
religious prejudice. 

Munro had also ignored the corroborating evidence I sent him, the 4.5 million 
displaced (suggesting hundreds of thousands of fatalities, drawing on the ratio 
of all other wars); estimates of new widows (500,000 from the war); and the 
other surveys done in Iraq suggesting enormous numbers of casualties (ABC/USA 
Today poll of March 2007, showing roughly 53% physically harmed by war). When I 
mentioned these things to him on the telephone, he literally screamed that such 
data didn’t matter, that the Lancet probe was “a hoax.” Lancet article authors 
also cite several cases where they were misquoted. The National Journal’s 
editors have been informed of their reporters’ misconduct and errors, and have 
not responded.

So the smear is complete—a “political hit” by the “anti-Bush billionaire,” 
complicity by anti-war academics, fraud by Muslims devoted to Allah—and 
repeated over and over in the right-wing media. Little has of this has appeared 
in the legitimate news media, apart from right-wing columnists like Jeff Jacoby 
in the Boston Globe. 

One might expect that such nonsense is obvious to neutral observers, but it 
constitutes a kind of harassment that scholars must fend off, diverting from 
more important work. Gilbert Burnham, the lead author on the Lancet article, 
runs health clinics in Afghanistan and East Africa, and is spending inordinate 
amounts of time responding to the attacks. Les Roberts, a coauthor, and I have 
both had colleagues at our universities called by Munro to ask if they would 
punish us for fraud. The OSI people have also been writing letters to set the 
record straight. Most important, Riyadh Lafta, who has been threatened before, 
may be in more danger due to these attacks.

As to the issue of the human cost of the war, even the legitimate press that 
has avoided this kerfuffle might be intimidated from taking on the issue in 
depth. The fact that the National Journal hatchet job and the MoH survey 
appeared within days of each other sent a message to editors around the United 
States—one survey is “discredited” and one is legitimate. The treatment of the 
MoH survey that week often noted its death-by-violence number was one-fourth of 
the Lancet figure -- forgetting, again, that total war-related mortality were 
much closer in both, and congruent with other surveys. The New York Times did 
run an editorial in early February about the dead in Iraq — the 124 journalists 
killed in the war. 

The topic of the war’s exceptional human costs, now inflamed by these 
calumnies, appears to be too hot to handle. Even with all this fuss in January, 
no explorations of the Iraqi mortality from the war have appeared in the major 
dailies. No editorials, no examination of the methods (or the danger and 
difficulty of collecting data), no sense that the scale of killing might affect 
the American position, or might shed some light on U.S. war strategy, or might 
point to honorable exits and reconstruction obligations. Remarkably, no 
curiosity at all about the dead of Iraq, and what they can tell us. 

That, in the end, may be the biggest injustice of all. 

       
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