(JAI: Apologize for double posting but had forwarded posting w/o 'Subject'
description..)

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: John A Imani <johnaima...@gmail.com>
Date: Thu, May 16, 2013 at 11:08 AM
Subject: [rac-la]
To: "rac...@lists.riseup.net" <rac...@lists.riseup.net>,
rac-lasupport...@lists.riseup.net, "copwatc...@lists.riseup.net" <
copwatc...@lists.riseup.net>
Cc: "dope_x_resistanc...@yahoogroups.com" <
dope_x_resistanc...@yahoogroups.com>, LAAMN <laamn@yahoogroups.com>, "
actio...@lists.riseup.net" <actio...@lists.riseup.net>


(JAI: This was recommended by a comrade,
S.Artesian<http://thewolfatthedoor.blogspot.com/2013/05/a-minimal-program.html>who
wrote:

"I don't think I can summarize the evidence, the findings or conclusions in
the article.   That would be like summarizing the findings of an
investigation into conditions at Auschwitz..."
-- 
JAI
RAC-LA)
_______________________________________________________________



 [image: The New York Times] <http://www.nytimes.com/>

------------------------------
May 12, 2013
How Austerity Kills By DAVID STUCKLER and SANJAY BASU

EARLY last month, a triple
suicide<http://www.cnn.com/2013/04/05/world/europe/italy-triple-suicide>was
reported in the seaside town of Civitanova Marche, Italy. A married
couple, Anna Maria Sopranzi, 68, and Romeo Dionisi, 62, had been struggling
to live on her monthly pension of around 500 euros (about $650), and had
fallen behind on rent.

Because the Italian government’s austerity budget had raised the retirement
age, Mr. Dionisi, a former construction worker, became one of Italy’s
esodati (exiled ones) — older workers plunged into poverty without a safety
net. On April 5, he and his wife left a note on a neighbor’s car asking for
forgiveness, then hanged themselves in a storage closet at home. When Ms.
Sopranzi’s brother, Giuseppe Sopranzi, 73, heard the news, he drowned
himself in the Adriatic.

The correlation between unemployment and suicide has been observed since
the 19th century. People looking for work are about twice as likely to end
their lives as those who have jobs.

In the United States, the suicide rate, which had slowly risen since 2000,
jumped during and after the 2007-9 recession. In a new book, we estimate
that 4,750 “excess” suicides — that is, deaths above what pre-existing
trends would predict — occurred from 2007 to 2010. Rates of such suicides
were significantly greater in the states that experienced the greatest job
losses. Deaths from suicide overtook deaths from car crashes in 2009.

If suicides were an unavoidable consequence of economic downturns, this
would just be another story about the human toll of the Great Recession.
But it isn’t so. Countries that slashed health and social protection
budgets, like Greece, Italy and Spain, have seen starkly worse health
outcomes than nations like Germany, Iceland and Sweden, which maintained
their social safety nets and opted for stimulus over austerity. (Germany
preaches the virtues of austerity — for others.)

As scholars of public health and political economy, we have watched aghast
as politicians endlessly debate debts and deficits with little regard for
the human costs of their decisions. Over the past decade, we mined huge
data sets from across the globe to understand how economic shocks — from
the Great Depression to the end of the Soviet Union to the Asian financial
crisis to the Great Recession — affect our health. What we’ve found is that
people do not inevitably get sick or die because the economy has faltered.
Fiscal policy, it turns out, can be a matter of life or death.

At one extreme is Greece, which is in the middle of a public health
disaster. The national health budget has been cut by 40 percent since 2008,
partly to meet deficit-reduction targets set by the so-called troika —  the
International Monetary Fund, the European Commission and the European
Central Bank — as part of a 2010 austerity package. Some 35,000 doctors,
nurses and other health workers have lost their jobs. Hospital admissions
have soared after Greeks avoided getting routine and preventive treatment
because of long wait times and rising drug costs. Infant mortality rose by
40 percent. New H.I.V. infections more than doubled, a result of rising
intravenous drug use — as the budget for needle-exchange programs was cut.
After mosquito-spraying programs were slashed in southern Greece, malaria
cases were reported in significant numbers for the first time since the
early 1970s.

In contrast, Iceland avoided a public health disaster even though it
experienced, in 2008, the largest banking crisis in history, relative to
the size of its economy. After three main commercial banks failed, total
debt soared, unemployment increased ninefold, and the value of its
currency, the krona, collapsed. Iceland became the first European country
to seek an I.M.F. bailout since 1976. But instead of bailing out the banks
and slashing budgets, as the I.M.F. demanded, Iceland’s politicians took a
radical step: they put austerity to a vote. In two referendums, in 2010 and
2011, Icelanders voted overwhelmingly to pay off foreign creditors
gradually, rather than all at once through austerity. Iceland’s economy has
largely recovered, while Greece’s teeters on collapse. No one lost health
care coverage or access to medication, even as the price of imported drugs
rose. There was no significant increase in suicide. Last year, the first
U.N. World Happiness
Report<http://www.livescience.com/19486-world-happiness-united-nations.html>ranked
Iceland as one of the world’s happiest nations.

Skeptics will point to structural differences between Greece and Iceland.
Greece’s membership in the euro zone made currency devaluation impossible,
and it had less political room to reject I.M.F. calls for austerity. But
the contrast supports our thesis that an economic crisis does not
necessarily have to involve a public health crisis.

Somewhere between these extremes is the United States. Initially, the 2009
stimulus package shored up the safety net. But there are warning signs —
beyond the higher suicide rate — that health trends are worsening.
Prescriptions for antidepressants have soared. Three-quarters of a million
people (particularly out-of-work young men) have turned to binge drinking.
Over five million Americans lost access to health care in the recession
because they lost their jobs (and either could not afford to extend their
insurance under the Cobra law or exhausted their eligibility). Preventive
medical visits dropped as people delayed medical care and ended up in
emergency rooms. (President Obama’s health care law expands coverage, but
only gradually.)

The $85 billion “sequester” that began on March 1 will cut nutrition
subsidies for approximately 600,000 pregnant women, newborns and infants by
year’s end. Public housing budgets will be cut by nearly $2 billion this
year, even while 1.4 million homes are in foreclosure. Even the budget of
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the nation’s main defense
against epidemics like last year’s fungal meningitis outbreak, is being
cut, by at least $18 million.

To test our hypothesis that austerity is deadly, we’ve analyzed data from
other regions and eras. After the Soviet Union dissolved, in 1991, Russia’s
economy collapsed. Poverty soared and life expectancy dropped, particularly
among young, working-age men. But this did not occur everywhere in the
former Soviet sphere. Russia, Kazakhstan and the Baltic States (Estonia,
Latvia and Lithuania) — which adopted economic “shock therapy” programs
advocated by economists like Jeffrey D. Sachs and Lawrence H. Summers —
experienced the worst rises in suicides, heart attacks and alcohol-related
deaths.

Countries like Belarus, Poland and Slovenia took a different, gradualist
approach, advocated by economists like Joseph E. Stiglitz and the former
Soviet leader Mikhail S. Gorbachev. These countries privatized their
state-controlled economies in stages and saw much better health outcomes
than nearby countries that opted for mass privatizations and layoffs, which
caused severe economic and social disruptions.

Like the fall of the Soviet Union, the 1997 Asian financial crisis offers
case studies — in effect, a natural experiment — worth examining. Thailand
and Indonesia, which submitted to harsh austerity plans imposed by the
I.M.F., experienced mass hunger and sharp increases in deaths from
infectious disease, while Malaysia, which resisted the I.M.F.’s advice,
maintained the health of its citizens. In 2012, the I.M.F. formally
apologized for its handling of the crisis, estimating that the damage from
its recommendations may have been three times greater than previously
assumed.

America’s experience of the Depression is also instructive. During the
Depression, mortality rates in the United States fell by about 10 percent.
The suicide rate actually soared between 1929, when the stock market
crashed, and 1932, when Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected president. But
the increase in suicides was more than offset by the “epidemiological
transition” — improvements in hygiene that reduced deaths from infectious
diseases like tuberculosis, pneumonia and influenza — and by a sharp drop
in fatal traffic accidents, as Americans could not afford to drive.
Comparing historical data across states, we estimate that every $100 in New
Deal spending per capita was associated with a decline in pneumonia deaths
of 18 per 100,000 people; a reduction in infant deaths of 18 per 1,000 live
births; and a drop in suicides of 4 per 100,000 people.

OUR research suggests that investing $1 in public health programs can yield
as much as $3 in economic growth. Public health investment not only saves
lives in a recession, but can help spur economic recovery. These findings
suggest that three principles should guide responses to economic crises.

First, do no harm: if austerity were tested like a medication in a clinical
trial, it would have been stopped long ago, given its deadly side effects.
Each nation should establish a nonpartisan, independent Office of Health
Responsibility, staffed by epidemiologists and economists, to evaluate the
health effects of fiscal and monetary policies.

Second, treat joblessness like the pandemic it is. Unemployment is a
leading cause of depression, anxiety, alcoholism and suicidal thinking.
Politicians in Finland and Sweden helped prevent depression and suicides
during recessions by investing in “active labor-market programs” that
targeted the newly unemployed and helped them find jobs quickly, with net
economic benefits.

Finally, expand investments in public health when times are bad. The cliché
that an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure happens to be true. It
is far more expensive to control an epidemic than to prevent one. New York
City spent $1 billion in the mid-1990s to control an outbreak of
drug-resistant tuberculosis. The drug-resistant strain resulted from the
city’s failure to ensure that low-income tuberculosis patients completed
their regimen of inexpensive generic medications.

One need not be an economic ideologue — we certainly aren’t — to recognize
that the price of austerity can be calculated in human lives. We are not
exonerating poor policy decisions of the past or calling for universal debt
forgiveness. It’s up to policy makers in America and Europe to figure out
the right mix of fiscal and monetary policy. What we have found is that
austerity — severe, immediate, indiscriminate cuts to social and health
spending — is not only self-defeating, but fatal.

David Stuckler <http://tinyurl.com/ctcx2au>, a senior research leader in
sociology at Oxford, and Sanjay
Basu<http://med.stanford.edu/profiles/Sanjay_Basu/>,
an assistant professor of medicine and an epidemiologist in the Prevention
Research Center at Stanford, are the
authors<http://www.perseusacademic.com/book.php?isbn=9780465063987>of
“The Body Economic: Why Austerity Kills.”




-- 
JAI
RAC-LA


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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