-------------------------
 Via Workers World News Service
 Reprinted from the Jan. 11, 2001
 issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------
 
 SERBIAN ELECTION: NO SURPRISES
 
 By John Catalinotto
 
 The Dec. 23 Serb elections brought no surprises. The former-
opposition and now-ruling coalition Democratic Opposition of 
 Serbia, which controls both the national and the private 
 media, got 64 percent of the votes. The Socialist Party of 
 Serbia, led by Slobodan Milosevic, got 13.5 percent. Two 
 Serb nationalist anti-NATO parties got a little over 13 
 percent between them.
 
 No other parties won the 5 percent needed to get 
 representatives in the 250-seat parliament. With 176 seats 
 the DOS has more than the two-thirds needed to control the 
 government. The politician Zoran Djindjic, who many consider 
 a U.S.-German puppet, has been named the new Serbian prime 
 minister. The SPS won 37 seats, as did the two Serb 
 nationalist parties combined.
 
 Like the Sept. 28 election when Milosevic lost the 
 presidency and the Oct. 5 right-wing coup that burned the 
 Parliament and State Television buildings, this latest 
 election is being celebrated in Washington, in NATO 
 headquarters and in the capitals of the other European 
 imperialist powers. These forces had used threats, sanctions 
 and actual bombings to push out the Socialist Party 
 government before they manipulated the elections, as they 
 themselves admitted. (Washington Post, Dec. 11)
 
 A Dec. 21 interview by the Berlin daily newspaper Junge Welt 
 with one of the SPS leaders, Alexandar Rastovic, showed why 
 the results were no great surprise. "Our activists have been 
 working in an atmosphere of intimidation," said Rastovic. 
 "If we were to hold on to 15 to 20 percent of the vote under 
 these abnormal conditions, as I expect, that would be a 
 success. ... The forces now ruling only concede 5 to 7 
 percent to us."
 
 WHY DID THEY VOTE AGAINST MILOSEVIC?
 
 A correspondent for the Belgian weekly Solidaire, Michel 
 Collon, interviewed some people in Serbia to get their view 
 of the elections:
 
 For Andrej, the elections have been distorted since 
 September by threats of a new NATO bombing attack or 
 invasion of Montenegro. And by the hundreds of million of 
 dollars from the United States to finance a very effective 
 propaganda campaign to criminalize Milosevic in the eyes of 
 the Serbs. On top of this, the main media outlets have been 
 strictly controlled.
 
 Gordana agreed: "The people know that the SPS was more 
 'social' [aware of the needs of the poor and workers] than 
 the DOS but also that the West would continue to strangle 
 them as long as Milosevic remained in power. Four wars, 
 isolation, demonization, the embargo: Serb politics were 
 made neither in the streets, nor in Parliament, but in 
 foreign countries."
 
 Tanja added, "However, the SPS limited its losses in light 
 of the circumstances and two splits that weakened it."
 
 Bata, who opposed NATO, was resign ed: "Serbia is part of 
 Europe and has to accommodate to the way of the majority."
 
 According to Natasha, who favored the DOS, "The bad economic 
 situation explains why the majority of his supporters turned 
 their backs on Milosevic. The people have seen too much 
 corruption, and the 'newly rich' directing the country. They 
 were disgusted by it."
 
 The discussion Collon reported supported the basic truth 
 that war-weariness and a hope that a new government would 
 get NATO and the U.S. off their backs were the main causes 
 for the SPS setback. Even more, that aid and investment from 
 the West would restart the Yugoslav economy. So far all the 
 West has promised are loans that will have to be repaid out 
 of the sweat and blood of the Yugoslav workers.
 
 'SHOCK THERAPY'?
 
 The DOS's economic advisers have been promising "shock 
 therapy." This means massive privatizations right away and 
 quick price rises on basic necessities. Prices on basic 
 goods have already doubled and tripled since last 
 September's election.
 
 Moves to lay off workers are expected soon. For example, 90 
 percent of the workers of the Zastava automobile factory 
 face layoffs from the new owner, Peugeot, a French-based 
 auto manufacturer.
 
 The first act of the new government was to order electricity 
 shutdowns for 12 and 16 hours a day. It is unable to keep up 
 the power supply that the SPS government had kept going 
 throughout the war and sanctions.
 
 Despite the "shock therapy" slogan, future Prime Minister 
 Djindjic has announced that the privatization could take two 
 years. He knows that it will run into opposition from the 
 majority of the population. President Vojislav Kostunica--an 
 open rival of Djindjic and much more popular--is also afraid 
 to cut jobs and workers' salaries too quickly as prices 
 continue to rise.
 
 WHAT NEXT?
 
 The new government--a coalition of 18 parties who were 
 united only in their opposition to the SPS and Milosevic and 
 their willingness to accept help from NATO countries--now 
 has the complete responsibility before the population for 
 its program for Yugoslavia.
 
 Will it hold Montenegro in the federation with Serbia? Will 
 it be able to defend southern Serbia from attacks by the KLA 
 forces? Will it be able to keep contact with the few 
 majority-Serb areas of Kosovo?
 
 Most important, will the Serbian economy develop because of 
 its contacts with the imperialist West? Or will it be like 
 most of Eastern Europe where the most profitable factories 
 are sold dirt-cheap to imperialist corporations and the rest 
 shut down?
 
 The biggest danger for the Yugoslav left comes from a threat 
 that the new regime will make a mockery of the "democratic" 
 part of its name and launch a wave of repression, something 
 that SPS spokesperson Rastovic warned of in his Junge Welt 
 interview. Already there has been a purge of military 
 officers and threats to put Milosevic and other SPS leaders 
 on trial.
 
 - END -
 
 (Copyleft Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to 
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 changing it is not allowed. For more information contact 
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